Interview: Serbian sensitivity

Ambassador Zoran Basaraba says that Serbia is still favorably predisposed to Israel

By MICHAEL FREUND
Serbian sensitivity (photo credit: Michael Freund)
Serbian sensitivity
(photo credit: Michael Freund)
On a small, quiet street near Hamedina Square in Tel Aviv, Ambassador Zoran Basaraba is busy settling into his new post. Though he arrived only a few months ago, Serbia’s envoy to the Jewish state already feels very much at home, noting that the warmth of the weather, as well as of the people, reminds him of Belgrade.
Though he presides over a diminutive legation that includes two other diplomats, Basaraba’s mission is far from insignificant. Bilateral relations between Israel and Serbia have improved steadily in recent years, drawing on more than a millennium of affinity between Jews and Serbs, both of whom suffered terribly at the hands of the Germans and their Croatian allies during World War II.
While contending with the legacy of the past, such as the Balkan wars of the 1990s, is an unavoidable part of his job, Basaraba brings a fresh and dynamic perspective to his position, seeking to highlight the broad changes that have taken place in his country since the conflict subsided.
It was 20 years ago, in 1992, that relations between Israel and the country still known then as Yugoslavia were formally reestablished after being severed in the aftermath of the 1967 Six Day War. To mark this anniversary, Basaraba agreed to grant an exclusive interview to The Jerusalem Post, his first with the Israeli media since arriving in the country.
The relations between Jews and Serbs stretch back for over 1,000 years and possibly even longer. How would you describe the nature of Jewish-Serb relations today?
In my experience, I have never heard of any problems between the two peoples.On the contrary, I think there is a natural affinity between us. I am new here in Israel, and the standard question that newcomers are asked is, “How does your experience in Israel thus far compare with what you expected?” Well, I know many American Jews, and somehow I had expected Israel would be an image of Jewish life in the United States. But when I came here, I realized that it is much closer in some ways to Serbia than to America.
How so?
Even anthropologically. There are many people here who look very Serbian, or maybe Serbs look very Israeli [laughs]. I just feel very comfortable here. Although I have no Jewish background myself, I have Jewish relatives who married into my family, and I know that the relationship between Jews and Serbs historically was always very good. I recently discovered that one of the first forests planted in Israel by [Keren Kayemeth LeIsrael-Jewish National Fund] – I think it was the third one – was planted in honor of King Peter of Serbia. I am now working with KKL to mark it properly because the original sign was damaged.
In March of last year, Israel’s ambassador to Belgrade warned of growing anti-Semitism in Serbia. What steps is the Serbian government taking to combat this?
These are misguided youth who sometimes commit acts of vandalism. If you see youth in Serbia putting up a swastika, it is just idiocy of untold proportions! Some 800,000 Serbs died during the Second World War, so I do not understand those people who do that. They are desecrating the history of Serbs by doing that. It is unfathomable. Maybe in a larger sense it is anti-Semitism, but I don’t think it is a problem on a grand scale. There are isolated incidents, and sometimes the response of our communal services is not quick enough because some of the services in Serbia are not at an appropriate level.
The recent election of Tomislav Nikolic as Serbia’s president, and the likely formation of a new, more nationalist-oriented Serbian government have led some commentators to suggest that Serbia is moving away from its pro-Western stance and perhaps turning eastward. Is there any truth to this assessment?
I do not think so. There are a few political commentators who suggest an artificial division, as though Serbia must tilt either toward Russia or the European Union. But I do not know that there is a need for tilting, as the two are absolutely compatible with each other. Serbia’s newly elected president campaigned on a platform of joining the European Union.
Of course, Russia will always remain close to Serbia because of long-standing historical ties, but I don’t know that any Russian political figure has ever made a statement against Serbia joining the European Union. On the contrary, I believe that Russia also supports our joining the EU. Indeed, all the major political forces in Serbia agree regarding our future direction toward joining the EU.
Earlier this year, Serbia became an official candidate to join the European Union. Why is membership in the EU important to Serbia, and how do you think the current financial crisis will affect your country?
It will certainly not help. For Serbia, the EU represents a standard that we are trying to achieve in the administration of the state. We want to join the EU as an ideal and as a standard in democracy and economic development. It is not only the membership that matters, but the process as well, as this will guide Serbia. We want to be part of the larger community to better deal with the challenges we face.
How will the change in Serbia’s government affect its policy toward Israel?
I see no difference. The new government will feel equally close to Israel as did the previous one. From my personal experience, I can tell you that when I was leaving to take up my post, the previous president spent more than an hour with me, which is rather unusual because the farewell meeting after one’s appointment is mostly a matter of protocol or formality. But in this case he personally showed great interest in the subject of relations, and I have every reason to think it will continue in this manner.
Are the bilateral relations strong? Are they getting stronger? How would you describe them?
We just had bilateral consultations with the Israeli government, and I can honestly say that there was not a single issue on the bilateral level that was raised that was negative in any respect. The flow of ministers coming from Serbia to Israel and vice versa will continue. We have many joint interests, and we share the same values and democratic view of events in the world. So I have no doubt that the dialogue between us will continue to strengthen.
What do you think of the Western media’s portrayal of Serbia? Does it treat your country fairly?
Often not. Very often not. Even today, there are examples, after having been treated so badly over the past 20 years – and I am not saying that Serbs are perfect – but enough is enough. In Israel, however, this is not a problem. Generally the attitude is correct, and I am happy with the way we are treated here. But the Western media is still preoccupied with the stereotypes that were created.
What are those stereotypes?
That the conflict in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s was a fight between good and evil. They did not have a deeper understanding of the roots of the conflicts, which were seeded many years ago. Serbs also had a legitimate story, and while they did not always pursue it in the most ethical and moral level, they nonetheless had a case, and that case was certainly not addressed properly by the West or the media.
And why is that the case? Why do you think the media did not present Serbia’s side more accurately and more fairly?
In part I blame the Serbian attitude toward the media and the lack of understanding among some political elites of how the media world works. The modern world is not about truth – it is about perceptions. And perceptions can easily be manipulated. If you do not counter that in the most appropriate way, it is easy to become a victim. But my disappointment with the media continues to this very day – it is still not very fair. The recent election of the president has already fueled some flashbacks in that kind of reporting, even though there is no reason for it. There is nothing in the record of the electoral campaign or the issues that would support any of the claims that this marks a shift in Serbia.
Is this an area where you think Serbia can learn from Israel’s experience?
Yes. You know, the former Israeli ambassador to Serbia Arthur Koll, he is now back at your Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and he told me about how Israel deals with it. I am going to follow quite closely what Israel is doing, as I think we have to try to change the subject, just like Israel is trying to change the topic of conversation. As long as you talk only about Palestinians or wars, it is very difficult to break out of that, but Israel is not only about that. It is a country of culture, of high-technology and of friendly people. Life goes on, and it is interesting to visit. This completely changes the perspective. So instead of just trying to say, “No, this is not true,” maybe we can copy and learn from some of Israel’s experiences. I will be working on that.
When you look back on the events in the Balkans over the past two decades, does Serbia have regrets?
Sure. Having established that Israel reminds me of Serbia, I often think maybe if there had been no war and no destruction, then maybe Serbia’s level of development could have been similar to what I see in Israel. We had a relatively good educational system which could have led to an advanced hi-tech sector. And we were strategically positioned to be in the right place when Eastern Europe opened up. So God knows what could have happened!
Certainly from that point of view, I feel lots of regrets. And of course I feel lots of regret for all those who lost their lives – most of them innocent – on all sides. There were of course symbolic events that immediately attracted the attention of the world, but which also distracted the attention from the fact that there were casualties on all sides of the conflict. So in that sense, I definitely feel sorry for everything that happened. And most reasonable people throughout the former Yugoslavia feel the same.
Serbia borders two Muslim-majority states: Bosnia and Albania. Is there a danger of growing Islamic nationalism and extremism in the Balkans?
Yes. And Islamic extremism is not only across the border. It is also within the borders of Serbia, and it is a very sensitive issue. When you read some of the writings of the mightiest Islamic country in the region – Turkey – you get a sense of why it is of concern for Serbia. The Turkish foreign minister writes about tying Turkish identity to Muslims in Bosnia. He writes about Turkey getting a foothold in Europe, and that touches on Serbian interests. It is a fragile situation, and when you add Kosovo and Albania, it is a combustive mix. There is a danger of growing Islamic extremism and potential security problems there. Recently there was a case of a Muslim from Serbia who went and fired shots at the American Embassy in Sarajevo, and Serbian security forces have identified additional security threats.
Bosnia in the 1990s was what Afghanistan was in the 1980s – it allowed many unsavory characters to cut their teeth, to get training, to get access to international connections and to become radicalized. The first cadre of Islamic terrorists cut their teeth in Afghanistan, and the second wave did it in Bosnia. Many of the people who are today mentioned in one kind or another of illicit activity were involved with the Bosnian war. It was supported by the most extreme groups in terms of weapons and funding. So it was difficult to understand why the West played into their hands.
Kosovo has been described as the cradle of Serbian civilization and as Serbia’s Jerusalem. Much of the world has been pressing Serbia to forgo Kosovo and allow it to become independent. Israel, too, has come under similar pressure to withdraw from Judea, Samaria and parts of Jerusalem and turn these areas over to the Palestinians. Do you see any parallels between the situations, and does this make your country more sympathetic to Israel?
This requires diplomatic nuance [laughs]. The best answer was given by a Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs study, which noted that there are many similarities in the approaches of the Palestinian Authority and Kosovar Albanian leaders. This includes delegitimization of the other side, strong PR efforts and trying to achieve something unilaterally within a given time frame.
Regarding Kosovo, the first Serbian state was formed there, and the presence of ancient churches proves the historical fact that we were there, that this was our cradle. And there are now some attempts in UNESCO to refer to these churches as Kosovo Byzantine rather than Serbian Byzantine churches. So there are many similar things.
But do those similarities create greater sympathy and understanding for Israel?
I think generally Serbia is already favorably predisposed to Israel. Even during [former Yugoslavian leader Josip Broz] Tito’s autocratic rule, when diplomatic ties were broken, there were people who didn’t want to sever relations. The general attitude of the Serbian people is very favorable toward Israel, and I don’t think something extra is needed to improve it – it is a reality.
Nonetheless, Israel has thus far refused to recognize Kosovo’s declaration of independence. But in October of last year, Serbia voted to recognize Palestine as UNESCO’s 195th member. Why did your government vote that way?
We inherited recognition of the Palestinians. In daily politics you sometimes have to make difficult calculations, and you have to put your own interests first. There are voting blocs we must contend with. We have to take that into account. Kosovo is an issue of preeminent importance for Serbia at this point. We hope this will be understood.
Israel’s embassy is in the Serbian capital of Belgrade, and not in Novi Sad, the second-largest city. But Serbia’s embassy in Israel is in Tel Aviv, even though Jerusalem is Israel’s capital. Why won’t Serbia move its embassy to Jerusalem?
I think this is a question to be asked of much bigger and more important countries. As part of the UN, we need to follow the decisions of the UN regarding the capital. If that decision is changed, then not only Serbia but most other countries will surely move their embassies. We are just part of the international community following the position toward Jerusalem of the UN. I go to Jerusalem very often, and it is nice to visit, but I would say that the vibrancy of Tel Aviv also adds to the allure of Israel, and I am sure that Tel Aviv presents a good image for Israel in general.
Iran is moving closer to obtaining nuclear weapons, and Iranian leaders speak openly about wiping Israel off the map. If Israel decides to use military force against Iranian nuclear installations, what will your government’s position be?
I cannot speculate on that, but I certainly hope it will be resolved. The world is now speaking in one voice. The approach toward Iran has been pretty clear, and I am hoping that [the matter] will be resolved in short order and there will be no need for military action. I understand Israel’s position and I follow it very closely, and I understand the security needs of Israel. And until you come here, you don’t even realize that it is such a small geographic region and it is so vulnerable.
In September 2011, Serbia adopted a law regarding the restitution of property nationalized by the Communists, but it didn’t address property seized during the Holocaust. As a result, Serbian Jews cannot regain property confiscated before March 1945, nor can property of Holocaust victims with no living heirs be restituted. Will the new Serbian government take steps to correct this and make the restitution of Jewish property a priority?
During the elections there was obviously a halt to all legislative activity. But the question of restitution was in the process already, and it will be continued. As soon as the government is created, the activity will continue. I am absolutely convinced it will be resolved in a satisfactory manner. There will be a law that will especially take into account Jewish victims of the Holocaust without living heirs. Individual claims will be solved, as well as those where there are no living heirs.
In the Serbian city of Nis, the ancient Jewish cemetery dating back 300 years was vandalized a few months ago. According to the Federation of Jewish Communities of Serbia, entrepreneurs have destroyed one-third of the cemetery by building factories and restaurants at the site, and hundreds of Roma have moved onto the grounds and are living there. What steps is your government taking to protect the cemetery?
There are three aspects to this story. One has to do with a general problem of vandalism in Serbia, which I touched on earlier. The other is the creation of slums. In Serbia, we have a large Roma population, and some of them have created slums in various places in Belgrade and elsewhere, and it is often difficult to remove them. Thirdly, Serbia is in dire straits economically. But this is an issue that can be resolved. The cemetery was designated a cultural heritage site. Serbs are sensitive to history, and this is not something that is against the Jewish people or their heritage. It is an issue that with a skillful approach can and will be resolved.


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