Iran's apocalyptic theology cannot be stifled by diplomatic negotiations.
By ELI KAVONahmadinejad making point 224.88 ap(photo credit: )
The next president of the United States - whether he is John McCain or Barack Obama - must be prepared to face the challenge of Karbala, a town in central Iraq that was the site of one of the most important battles in the history of Islam.
On the plain of the town, the forces of the Umayyad caliphate massacred fellow Muslims who supported the family of Ali ibn Abi Talib (Muhammad's cousin and son-in-law), rivals to the Umayyads for power in the emerging Islamic world. The death of Ali's son Hussein at Karbala on October 10, 680, was the culmination of an almost 50-year struggle between Muslims to determine who would succeed Muhammad as the religious and political leader of the Islamic realm.
The massacre remains an important key for world leaders today to understand the attempted emergence of Iran as a nuclear power, as well as the bloody civil war among Shi'a and Sunni Muslims that is devastating Iraq.
For most Muslims, especially those in the world of the Shi'a in Iran, Iraq and Lebanon, the Battle of Karbala is not simply a historical event but a haunting reality. The Shi'a supporters of Ali never recovered from the defeat that allowed the Umayyad dynasty to control the territory, wealth and population of one of the world's largest empires. While the majority Sunnis did not eradicate the followers of Ali and Hussein, the Shi'a were never given the respect and standing in the Islamic world that they believed they deserved.
During certain eras of Islamic history this tension broke out into violence, such as the attempt by the 18th-century Sunni Arabian reformer Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab to stamp out Shi'a practices that included pilgrimages to holy sites such as Karbala. Even the major victory by the Shi'a in the early 16th century - the Iranian leader Shah Ismail's successful and long-lasting imposition of Shi'ism on the Persian Safavid Empire - did not lead to Shi'a dominance in a world ruled by Sunnis.
It would be at our peril, however, to simply view the events at Karbala as a historical phenomenon. As a result of Hussein's defeat in 680, the Shi'a Muslims developed a theology that predicts the return of a descendant of Ali - the "Hidden Imam" - who will reassert leadership of the Islamic world as a true ruler from the family of Muhammad. The return will be accompanied by apocalyptic events that will shake the world to its core.
THE THEOLOGY of Karbala is a living reality for some Shi'a Muslims, including the clerics who control Iran and their mouthpiece, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The marriage of a medieval, quasi-messianic theology of apocalypse with Iran's attempt to gain the technology to produce nuclear weapons should alarm all peoples of goodwill and the leaders of the free world. That includes America's next president.
Karbala is not simply history for the religious leaders who control Iran's theocracy and for the Shi'a struggling for dominance in Iraq and Lebanon. It is the lens through which they view the world. It is folly to ignore this and to believe that diplomacy will dissuade the Iranian leadership from pursuing nuclear power. While the military option will not likely be the way to persuade the Iranians from beating the drums of war and calling for the destruction of the "Zionist entity," there are economic and even diplomatic weapons in the battle to isolate the Iranian leadership.
FOR THOSE readers who are still skeptical of the power of the "Hidden Imam" theology to motivate the Shi'a in the Middle East, I provide a warning with three examples. The first is the commemoration of Karbala on the holy day of Ashura. On this most solemn day in the Shi'a calendar, Muslims in Iran, Iraq and Lebanon pour out their grief in an emotional day of mourning that sometimes involves the mourners beating themselves bloody with chains. The events of Karbala are remembered in a "passion play" that retells the story of Hussein's martyrdom and that of his infant son. Among the Shi'a on Ashura, emotions are intense, often exceeding the mourning of religious Jews on the Ninth of Av. Karbala is a living reality on Ashura. It is not simply a battle fought 1,300 years ago.
The second example is from the Khomeini revolution in Iran 30 years ago. Iranians supporting the ayatollah identified the hated shah with Yazid, the Umayyad caliph responsible for the death of Hussein. The call to revolution was grounded in the theology of Karbala; the return of Khomeini was for some a harbinger of the return of the "Hidden Imam." For the revolutionaries in Iran, Karbala was - and remains - a living reality. Ahmadinejad, during the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s, trained teenage boys to march in front of the Iranian army and step on land mines to clear the way for the Shi'a troops. For their martyrdom, these young men were promised a place in Paradise.
Finally, if we in the West do not take Iran seriously, it is obvious that Sunnis in Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Egypt are alarmed by the reemergence of the Shi'a since the Iranian revolution. The Arab world correctly perceives that the Iranian government wants to export its revolution and foment rebellion throughout the Muslim world in the Middle East. The rise of Hizbullah in Lebanon is indicative of Iran's success in doing so. The reality of Karbala in the nuclear age should wake this world up to the devastating impact of an apocalyptic theology that cannot be simply stifled through the formality of diplomatic negotiations.
The writer, based in Florida, is an adjunct lecturer on Jewish history at Broward Community College.
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