Some comments on Hagel’s appointment
By ILAI SALTZMAN
02/04/2013 21:42
The challenge will be to go beyond the debate over Hagel’s personal views and votes in the past and work out the existing differences between Washington and Jerusalem together through candid dialogue, not unilateral behavior.
Chuck Hagel speaks in Islamabad, April 13, 2006 Photo: REUTERS/Mian Kursheed
Former senator and Vietnam war veteran Chuck Hagel began his confirmation
hearing before the Senate Armed Services Committee last Thursday.
Israeli
officials, defense analysts and pro-Israel groups in the United States are
anxiously awaiting to hear whether Hagel, who has been nominated for the post of
US secretary of defense, changed or maintained his positions on a number of key
issues such Iran’s nuclear program, American policies in the Middle East amid
the Arab Spring, and the “special relationship” between Washington and
Jerusalem, especially its military dimension.
On the first day of the
hearing, Hagel was grilled for his past views on these matters by a number of
senators including John McCain (R-Arizona) and Lindsay Graham (R-South
Carolina). The issue was not Hagel’s past “professional judgment” per se, as
Senator McCain opined, but rather his future judgment.
Despite the fact
that the hearings are not over, and that traditionally there is much discrepancy
between what is said in such hearings and what is actually practiced afterwards,
several comments should be made at this point: 1) Some in Israel and in the
United States fear Hagel will hijack President Barack Obama’s foreign and
defense agenda through an overwhelming personal influence over the president,
and install what William Kristol of the Weekly Standard called the “Hagelian
thesis” of “anti-Israel, pro-appeasement-of-Iran bona fides.”
But while
the position of secretary of defense is important, the American constitution
clearly states that “[T]he President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and
Navy of the United States.” Thus, it is President Obama with other advisers and
officials such as Secretary of State John Kerry and National Security Adviser Tom Donilon who will be laying down the general parameters and responsibilities
of the next secretary of defense.
Hagel and Obama share many views on
foreign and defense matters, but so do Obama, Kerry and Brennan. Hagel co-chairs
President Obama’s Intelligence Advisory Board and the two men have held intimate
discussions over the future policies of this administration. But Hagel is not
about to initiate an autonomous defense policy, and by accepting Obama’s offer,
Hagel essentially endorsed the general thrust of the White House’s future
foreign and defense policies, as he publicly announced during his confirmation
hearing.
2) More than anything else, Hagel’s appointment is designed to
address the domestic concerns of the Obama administration during its second term
in office. Primarily resulting from faltering economic conditions, Obama sought
an heir to incumbent Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta who would be able and
willing to cut down military expenditures in the coming years after they
skyrocketed as a result of the Bush administration’s military campaigns in
Afghanistan and Iraq. The Obama administration is still struggling to resolve
the budgetary impasse with Congress that threatens to push the United States
over the “fiscal cliff.”
Indeed, during his Senate hearing Hagel openly
argued that while he is deeply committed to preserving American military
preparedness and global posture, he is just as “committed to effectively and
efficiently using every single taxpayer dollar the right way.”
3) Senator
Hagel is not a pacifist. In his view, he is a rather traditional Republican,
espousing caution and prudence when it comes to American foreign and defense
policy, and socioeconomic stability and fiscal restraint at home. He is no
isolationist and there is very little chance he will advocate an approach that
involves American disengagement from the international system in general and the
Middle East in particular.
Nevertheless, he does not support limitless
American military interventionism in global affairs, but rather selective
engagement. In a telling article Hagel published in 2004 in the influential
journal Foreign Affairs he clearly makes this point when he writes that “the
success of our policies will depend not only on the extent of our power, but
also on an appreciation of its limits.”
In synch with President Obama’s
approach to international affairs, that calls for more pragmatism and realism,
Hagel sees American defense policies as such, i.e., primarily about the defense
of American national interests and allies, rather than as a vehicle for
adventurous or vague notions of exceptionalism or moralism.
4) Lastly, on
the issue of Israel and the Iranian nuclear program, Hagel explicitly noted
during Thursday’s hearing that he “will ensure our friend and ally Israel
maintains its qualitative military edge in the region.”
And as to Iran’s
nuclear program, he declared his full commitment to President Obama’s policy of
preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear program, rather than containment. He
explained that his previous remarks and actions, especially his opposition to
unilateral sanctions against Iran, were a result of the conditions that existed
at the time and that he currently shares Obama’s and Israel’s wish to completely
halt Iran’s nuclear weapons program. Both assertions are identical to the
policies and requests of the Israeli government under Prime Minister Binyamin
Netanyahu and thus should be evaluated in this light.
In conclusion,
fears about Hagel’s performance as future secretary of defense are exaggerated,
simplistic and ignore the overall ideational and institutional framework of the
Obama administration’s foreign and defense policy. Washington is fully committed
to Israel’s national security, even if there are disagreements over certain
issues. It is only natural that both countries do not see eye-to-eye on
everything.
The challenge, however, will be to go beyond the debate over
Hagel’s personal views and votes in the past and work out the existing
differences between Washington and Jerusalem together through candid dialogue,
not unilateral behavior.
If either President Obama or Prime Minister
Netanyahu decides to “go rogue” by failing to cooperate and coordinate their
policies, further eroding the “special relations” pattern that emerged over the
years, Hagel’s appointment will be the last thing Israel needs to worry
about.
The writer is the Schusterman Visiting Assistant Professor of
Government at Claremont McKenna College.