A new dilemma in hosting a German president
By EFRAIM ZUROFF
05/28/2012 22:27
Can Israel finally take a major active step in this direction and not squander the opportunity presented by Gauck's visit.
GERMAN PRESIDENT Joachim Gauck Photo: Reuters
Ever since the end of World War II, the shadow of the Holocaust has naturally
strongly influenced German-Jewish relations, and since the establishment of
Israel, that subject is a permanent factor in the relations between the Federal
Republic and the Jewish state. Thus a visit of a German president to Israel is
unlike that of any other head of state and is of unique significance to both
sides.
Over the years, such visits have contributed to the
slowly-evolving process of reconciliation and cooperation which has developed
between Germany and Israel and helped strengthen the ties between the two
countries, despite the horrific and unforgivable crimes committed by the Third
Reich against the Jewish people.
In that context, the visit to Israel
this week of recently elected (this past March 18) German President Joachim
Gauck poses a serious dilemma for Israeli leaders. For the first time ever, the
visiting German head of state does not share the heretofore-accepted narrative
of the uniqueness of the Holocaust and its recognition as a sui generis event in
the annals of mankind.
Given the fact that in Germany the primary
function of the president, who does not have executive powers, is, in the words
of the important German daily Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung following Gauck’s
election to the post, “to ensure that the people are provided with a compass for
intellect and morals... [and] is responsible for endowing politics with
meaning,” this is likely to prove extremely problematic for Israel and Jews the
world over.
Gauck’s divergence from the narrative accepted by previous
German presidents became public almost four years ago when he signed the Prague
Declaration of June 3, 2008. This document, which was signed by more than two
dozen mostly East European intellectuals and political leaders, promotes the
canard of equivalence between Nazi and Communist crimes. It calls for specific
practical steps which, if implemented, would undermine the justified current
status of the Holocaust as a unique case of genocide unprecedented in human
history.
Thus, for example, the Declaration calls for the designation of
August 23 as a joint day of commemoration for all the victims of totalitarian
regimes. In other words, all those murdered by the Nazis and the
Communists. The choice of date in this case is indicative of the
agenda.
August 23 was the date of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Non-Aggression
Pact signed in 1939 by Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. The message conveyed
by the choice of that date is that the Soviet Union, by signing the treaty with
the Third Reich, in effect shares equal responsibility for the atrocities of
World War II, a distorted view of the history of that conflict, which purposely
ignores the indispensable role of the Red Army in defeating Nazi Germany, and
falsely equates the regime which conceived, planned, built and ran the Auschwitz
death camp, with the country whose armed forces liberated that death factory and
effectively halted the mass annihilation conducted there.
NEEDLESS TO
say, should this proposal ever be implemented, and a non-binding resolution
calling for the designation of August 23 as a joint day of commemoration was
already passed by a huge margin in the European Union, the future of the
International Holocaust Memorial day established by the United Nations in 2005
would look extremely bleak.
Other initiatives called for by the
Declaration would also pose a danger to the accepted Holocaust narrative,
whether it is the call to rewrite European textbooks in the spirit of the
equivalency between Nazi and Communist crimes or the desire to establish a
“European Institute of Memory and Conscience,” which would include a museum
which would reflect that false equivalency and support the work of Eastern
European research institutes, which since their establishment have focused
exclusively on Communist crimes and purposely ignored those of the
Nazis.
Prior to his election, President Gauck campaigned for civil rights
in his native East Germany and was the director of the Stasi Archives, and as
such one can understand his natural sensitivity to the crimes committed by the
Communists, a sensitivity which might also have been significantly influenced by
the arrest, while he was a youngster, of his own father by the East
Germans.
Yet while there is a legitimate case to be made for greater
recognition of Communist crimes and additional commemoration and concern for
their victims, the attempt to do so by creating a false symmetry with the
Holocaust is not only misguided, it is rooted in the dishonest ulterior motives
of its main proponents in the post-Communist world, and particularly the Baltic
countries, one of whose major goals is to rid themselves of the guilt for their
extensive collaboration with Nazi Germany in the mass murder of
Jews.
Thus if Communist and Nazi crimes are declared equivalent, thereby
earning the former a false categorization as genocide, they in turn can point to
the crimes of Jewish Communists and spare themselves the justified accusations
previously levelled against them. If members of every nation, including even
Jews, are guilty of the most terrible of crimes, then obviously no nation can be
accused, and its members prosecuted. If the choice is between being a nation of
killers and a nations of victims, what country would not opt for the latter?
After his election, President Gauck was quoted in the German daily Tageszeitung
as saying that in the wake of the debate over his candidacy, he would “engage
himself with new issues, problems, and people.” His visit to Israel is therefore
an excellent opportunity for our political leaders to enter into dialogue with
him and present the serious dangers posed by the Prague Declaration and the
potentially terrible long-term effects of its practical proposals.
The
question is, however, whether President Shimon Peres, Prime Minister Binyamin
Netanyahu and Foreign Minister Avigdor Liberman are fully cognizant of this
issue and willing to bring it to the table during their meetings with
Gauck.
Until now, Israel has refrained from actively seeking to thwart
the adoption of the Prague Declaration and its various recommendations, even in
its bilateral contacts with far-less important countries like Lithuania, Latvia
and Estonia which are its major proponents. It remains to be seen whether the
Jewish state can finally take a major active step in this direction and not
squander the opportunity presented by the visit this week of German President
Joachim Gauck.
The writer is the chief Nazi-hunter of the Simon
Wiesenthal Center and the director of its Israel Office. His most recent book
Operation Last Chance; One Man’s Quest to Bring Nazi Criminals to Justice was
recently published in German under the title Operation Last Chance; Im
Fadenkreuz des ‘Nazi-Jaegers’ by Prospero Verlag.