US President Barack Obama flew out of Israel in a dust-storm on Friday, leaving
behind a trail of symbolic gestures and fine oratory that should help preserve
the status quo at a time of regional upheaval.
In an unexpected
diplomatic flourish, he also facilitated a surprise telephone call between the
prime ministers of Israel and Turkey, putting
two US allies firmly on track to
revive a once close relationship that had become badly frayed.
Obama set
such low expectations for the three-day trip that he can easily
proclaim it is
mission accomplished, having wooed sceptical Israelis, eased their fears over
Iran and shown Palestinians that he had not forgotten their
aspirations.
True,
many Palestinians remained disillusioned, feeling that
Obama had buckled to Israeli pressure and backtracked from his previous demands
for a halt to Jewish settlement building in the occupied West Bank on land they
want for a future state.
But after a bruising first term of failed Middle
East diplomacy, Obama's prime concern seems to be that the situation does not
get any worse, while keeping alive slender hopes that a comprehensive
Israeli-Palestinian peace deal is still possible.
"This visit marks a
resumption of American attention to the conflict, which is very important after
two years of utter absence from the scene," said Ghassan al-Khatib, an academic
and a former Palestinian government spokesman.
"It probably won't lead to
any new negotiations, which in any case would be meaningless given the huge gulf
between the two sides. But it might bring some accountability to the Israelis." Netanyahu appeared highly satisfied by the
public show of joviality displayed by Obama during their meetings, dispelling
the frosty scowls and sniping that marked encounters over the previous four
years.
"The atmosphere was much better than in all their meetings
before," said a senior Israeli official. "He gave the impression that he really
wanted to start afresh," he said of Obama.
Iran connectionsObama has
already spent more time talking to Netanyahu than to any other world leader,
according to the White House, and the pair put several more hours on the clock
through this week.
Iran topped their initial agenda, aides said, with
Obama seeking to build mutual trust and convince Israel that he was serious when
he said he would not let Iran get nuclear weapons.
As a joint news
conference on Wednesday, Netanyahu repeated that Israel had a right to defend
its own national interests, but added that he was "absolutely convinced" Obama
meant what he said - a strong statement seen as significant by some
analysts.
"Now I think there is almost complete understanding between
Israel and the United States on the Iranian issue," said Amotz Asa-El, fellow at
the Shalom Hartman Institute in Jerusalem.
"Specifically, they are
waiting to see if the June election in Iran ignites some kind of social
upheaval, a prospect that both Washington and Jerusalem obviously prefer," he
added, referring to a mid-year presidential poll.
Israel and Western
powers believe Iran is looking to prepare a nuclear arsenal - something Tehran
denies, while defending its right to enrich uranium for civil uses. Netanyahu
has set a "red line" across Iran's progress on enrichment, which he has said
could be crossed in the spring or summer - hinting at unilateral military action
unless the Islamic republic backs down.
Giora Eiland, a retired general
and former Israeli national security adviser, said the prospect of such an
attack was receding: "I think that the option still exists," he said, "But that
every day that passes lowers its chances of success." Reflecting Israel's
isolation in a largely hostile region, Obama engineered a call between Netanyahu
and his Turkish counterpart on Friday, enabling the two US allies to overcome
a diplomatic crisis sparked by the deaths of nine Turks in 2010 during an
Israeli commando raid off the Gaza Strip.
The move to normalize relations
with a NATO member state that was one of its few Muslim friends in the region
could help coordination to contain spillover from the Syrian civil
war.
"Given what we see in the Middle East, we see a situation in which
our relations with Turkey can be very, very important for the future, regarding
what happens with Syria, but not just what happens with Syria," said a source in
Netanyahu's office.
Palestinian stalemateYet if the tensions with Turkey
unexpectedly eased, Obama's visit did little to raise hopes that the decades-old
Israeli-Palestinian conflict was any nearer resolution.
Going over the
heads of Israeli leaders, who have questioned whether they have a viable
negotiating partner on the other side of the separation barrier that twists
through the West Bank, Obama appealed directly to ordinary citizens to push for
change.
In a powerful speech to appreciative students, the US president
warned on Thursday that the Jewish state risked growing international isolation
without a peace accord.
However, he did not bring any proposals on how to
resume negotiations, which broke down in 2010, and he backed away from a
previous demand for Israel to end settlement building, simply calling the
construction an impediment to peace.
He promised that his new secretary
of state, John Kerry, would dedicate much time and energy to the problem, but
many Israelis saw his comments as a sign Washington would distance itself from a
diplomatic quagmire familiar to his predecessors.
"The era when the USA
pushed Israel and the Palestinians into a political process is gone," said Gidi
Grinstein, president of the Reut Institute, a Tel Aviv-based think
tank.
"In the absence of American vision and strategy, considering
Obama's priorities and with the present positions of Israel and the
Palestinians, the USA is basically saying: 'You call us. We won't call you'," he
added.
Although Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas welcomed Obama's
speech, some of his political allies were more damning.
"Obama's visit
provides no clear way forward for a serious solution to the conflict," said
Wasel Abu Yousef of the Palestine Liberation Organisation. "It seems the US is
not interested in solving the conflict, but rather managing it."