Italy's criminal probe of flotilla activists' torture claims against Israel impacts far more IDF officials than even the pending file before the International Criminal Court (ICC), multiple Israeli officials with knowledge of the case have confirmed to The Jerusalem Post.

Since 2007, flotilla activists have periodically sought to block Israel's blockade to prevent weapons smuggling to Hamas in Gaza.

Although the activists claim they are seeking to bring humanitarian aid to Gazans, Gazans have received over 600 trucks of aid per day since the October 2025 ceasefire, almost triple what they received pre-war.

Gazans' overall situation is still far worse because the Strip is years away from being rebuilt, but there is no actual food shortage.

ICC seeks to arrest Netanyahu, Gallant, may target other Israeli officials

Currently, the ICC is confirmed to be seeking to arrest Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former defense minister Yoav Gallant, with reports that it is also seeking to arrest Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, and possibly also Defense Minister Israel Katz, IDF Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Eyal Zamir, and former IDF chief Herzi Halevi.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu attends a vote at the plenum hall of the Knesset, the Israeli parliament in Jerusalem, on July 16, 2026.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu attends a vote at the plenum hall of the Knesset, the Israeli parliament in Jerusalem, on July 16, 2026. (credit: YONATAN SINDEL/FLASH90)

That is still a short list, and most of the officials are government officials, on the grounds that Israel has not probed its government officials.

In contrast, the Italian criminal probe relating to Israel's treatment of arrested activists from the September-October 2025 and April-May 2026 flotillas not only includes many of the same ministers, but it also implicates a long list of IDF and prison service officials, of around a dozen.

In fact, the IDF officials being targeted are even more noteworthy than the prison service officials, given that there is some cloud of impropriety hanging over the prison service since it has been managed in recent years by Ben-Gvir.

Ben-Gvir himself was condemned by the entire Israeli government for various actions he undertook and statements he made relating to the flotilla activists.

But the IDF officials include apolitical, generally highly regarded figures such as former navy chief David Saar Salame; current Navy Chief Eyal Harel; each of their top advisors, Tal Politis and Guy Levy; Ashdod Naval Base Chief Eitan Paz; and the Shayetet 13 Naval Command commander.

While none of the activists' claims against Israeli officials have been proven, there have been Israeli officials concerned that police and prison guard officials, who are under Ben-Gvir's command, may have roughed up some of the activists.

Put differently, even if some of the most sensational charges might be untrue or exaggerated, some officials recognize that some of the lesser claims against officials under Ben-Gvir may be true.

Yet, there are no Israeli officials who believe that the navy's conduct was anything other than highly professional, leaving many mystified as to what prosecutors from Italy - a country which has been one of Israel's stronger allies even after October 7 - could really be trying to get after going after IDF and naval officials.

The Post understands from officials with knowledge of the case that a local Italian prosecutor is running the prosecution and is not coordinating with the Italian federal government.

Italian prosecutor rogue prosecutor, Israeli officials tell 'Post'

In other words, Israeli officials speaking to the Post portrayed the prosecutor as a rogue prosecutor who is using an Italian law for universal jurisdiction that the government would not have intended or expected to use against an ally like Israel, as much as it may have been passed to go after a traveling warlord from a more broken non-democratic country.

Further, the case has become a major domestic political issue in Italy, so some officials may see it as advantageous internally to make noise about it without necessarily moving it forward to the end, something that could take many years anyway.

Around the time of the flotillas, Italy suspended certain defense cooperation arrangements with Israel, and the sides have sparred publicly over the treatment of some activists who were recently detained in the West Bank while assisting Palestinians with the olive harvest.

However, Israeli officials still view the criminal proceeding as conflicting with overall Italian government policy, which has not sought to inflame relations.

Instead, multiple sources with knowledge of the case said the long list of IDF officials considered highly professional simply showed how politicized and disjointed the specific prosecutor likely was.

Moreover, they indicated that once a criminal probe is opened, it is always easier to add other suspects into the probe, even if they have less of a true connection to the heart of the issue.

The Israeli minister, IDF officials, police, and prison officials were all put under official investigation in Italy on October 16.

The move expanded an investigation that was previously focused on Ben-Gvir.

The case concerns alleged torture, kidnapping, personal injury, robbery and damage when Israeli forces intercepted small fleets of boats headed towards Gaza in 2025 and 2026, the Rome prosecutors' office said in a statement.

Investigators opened the probe after complaints from 50 Italian citizens who were detained ⁠by Israeli authorities following two Global Sumud Flotilla missions in September to October 2025 and April to May 2026.

Prosecutors said activists detained after the first mission had reported beatings, injuries, death threats, insults and accusations of terrorism.

Notably, being insulted and being accused of terrorism might be problematic or fully justified, but would usually not be criminally investigated.

Activists involved in the second mission alleged even harsher treatment, including beatings in the dark, the use of rubber bullets, and tasers, a statement said.

Once again, some of these actions would clearly be criminal, but using a non-lethal taser to subdue a person resisting arrest is standard even in the West.

Investigators had identified various individuals forming the military and police chains of command involved in ‌the ⁠operations, prosecutors said.

Prosecutors said they had sent Israel a request for judicial assistance in June, seeking information needed to reconstruct events and establish individual responsibility. They did not ⁠say whether Israeli authorities had responded.

Questioned about their response, multiple Israeli authorities declined to address the issue, signaling that Israel may view the request as invalid if it is not endorsed by the Italian federal government or may choose to deal with it through diplomatic channels as opposed to strictly technical channels.

An interesting question would be whether Israel might comply more if the requests were more limited to Ben-Gvir and some of his officials, who took videos of themselves at minimum verbally harassing detainees.

Under Italian law, crimes ⁠committed abroad against Italian citizens can be prosecuted in Rome.

Being placed under investigation in Italy does not imply guilt or automatically lead to a trial. However, if the probe determines that charges are ⁠warranted, prosecutors could lodge a formal request for trial.

Reuters contributed to this report.