From the outset, Zionist leadership treated goal-setting as a moral imperative.

Theodor Herzl did not merely diagnose antisemitism or describe Jewish suffering; he defined a destination. His explicit aim was to secure international legitimacy for a Jewish state through diplomacy, law, and political organization. In The Jewish State, he laid out the political blueprint, and in Altneuland, he sketched the social and moral contours of the society that the state would sustain. The Zionist Congress, its alliances, and its fundraising mechanisms were all built to serve that end, reflecting an early understanding that without a destination, even the most righteous cause dissolves into argument rather than action.

That clarity broadened rather than narrowed as the movement matured. Max Nordau argued that political sovereignty required human regeneration as well. He understood that a people trained only to endure could neither defend itself in a hostile world nor command respect within it. His goal was survival through transformation: cultivating Jews capable of bearing sovereignty rather than merely suffering history.

Alongside these early architects of political and physical renewal stood Ahad Ha’am, who issued one of Zionism’s most enduring internal warnings.

He rejected the temptation of romantic daydreaming and cautioned that national revival could not be sustained by slogans or emotional intoxication alone. He argued that Zionism must strengthen its foundations through deliberate cultural work, disciplined planning, and patient execution rather than rushing into hollow declarations. His insistence on grounding vision in action reinforced a central truth of the movement: without goals and concrete plans, even the most inspiring ideas dissolve into illusion.

Eliezer Ben-Yehuda, the founder of modern Hebrew, in his home in Jerusalem, sometime between 1918-1923.
Eliezer Ben-Yehuda, the founder of modern Hebrew, in his home in Jerusalem, sometime between 1918-1923. (credit: Wikimedia Commons)

The revival of the Hebrew language followed the same logic of intentionality. 

Eliezer Ben-Yehuda did not hope that Hebrew would return organically; he made it a national objective. Schools, families, newspapers, and daily life were mobilized toward fluency. Hebrew was treated as infrastructure, not nostalgia. Religious Zionism, too, operated with a clear purpose. Abraham Isaac Kook rejected the false choice between holiness and statehood, arguing that sovereignty could elevate ethics rather than erode them and that redemption unfolded through national action rather than passive waiting.

As Zionism moved from vision to confrontation with reality, its goals hardened rather than softened.

Ze’ev Jabotinsky articulated perhaps the most unsentimental objective in Zionist history: Jewish power as a condition of survival. He rejected the illusion that moral appeals or goodwill could substitute for strength in a hostile world. His “Iron Wall” doctrine was not a call for endless conflict but a recognition that peace becomes possible only when Jewish permanence is unquestioned. In his vision, strength was not the enemy of morality—it was what made morality sustainable.

Statehood sharpened the logic of goals even further.

David Ben-Gurion governed with ruthless clarity of priorities: absorb immigrants, defend the borders, build institutions, and consolidate sovereignty. Everything else was secondary. Debate existed, but ambiguity did not. The public understood what success meant because leadership defined it plainly.

Goal-setting is not a management technique; it is the difference between intention and achievement. Every successful movement in history understood that goals discipline energy, prioritize effort, and turn belief into action. Without clear objectives, values become slogans, institutions drift toward self-preservation, and leadership becomes reactive rather than directive. Goals create accountability not only to outcomes but to time—what must be achieved now and what cannot wait.

A people without goals does not merely lose direction; it loses the ability to distinguish progress from motion. This tradition did not end in Israel’s early decades.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks at a ceremonial Knesset plenum session to mark the establishment of Israel’s parliament. February 2, 2026.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks at a ceremonial Knesset plenum session to mark the establishment of Israel’s parliament. February 2, 2026. (credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM)

In the modern era, particularly under Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel pursued a distinct set of strategic goals regardless of one’s position on the politics surrounding them. These included regional normalization with the Arab world, a security doctrine centered on deterrence and intelligence supremacy, and the transformation of Israel into a global high-tech and economic power. Even critics could not deny that these reflected direction rather than drift.

At some point, however, this discipline collapsed beyond the realm of state policy and across the broader Zionist world.

Contemporary Zionism suffers not from a lack of passion or talent but from the disappearance of articulated goals. Institutions speak fluently about values, narratives, and defense, yet struggle to define what success will look like in 20 or 50 years. There are conferences without targets, statements without benchmarks, and budgets without destinations. Reaction has replaced direction.

If Zionism continues without clear goals, the consequences will not arrive as a catastrophe but as erosion. Hebrew will persist as a symbol rather than a shared language outside Israel, invoked ceremonially but rarely spoken with confidence. Jewish institutions will optimize for stability and fundraising cycles rather than generational outcomes, mistaking motion for progress. Leadership will perfect the art of reassurance while abandoning direction altogether.

Nothing dramatic will fail all at once; instead, the Zionist project beyond the state will slowly thin, narrowing into a defensive posture and losing the ability to imagine a future meaningfully different from the present.

October 7 shattered the illusion that history had slowed. It reminded Jews everywhere that time, pressure, and hostility still shape reality, regardless of how modern or secure we imagine ourselves. The rupture was not only military or moral; it was conceptual. A movement without direction cannot respond to rupture with renewal. It can only react. Moments like this do not repeat indefinitely.

The question facing Zionism today is therefore not whether Israel exists, but what the Jewish people are building next. The coming era demands a return to intentionality—not nostalgia for past goals, but the courage to define new ones. This obligation applies equally to Israel, Jewish life in the United States, and beyond. Zionism was always a civilizational project, not merely a state-maintenance exercise.

A renewed Zionism must reclaim goal-setting as a moral and strategic duty. Goals do not require unanimity to be legitimate; they require leaders willing to stand behind them. They must be broad enough to unite Israel and the Diaspora yet concrete enough to demand results. Direction, not reassurance, is what inspires societies to move. Zionism must once again tell the Jewish people where it is going. If you sit on a board, lead an institution, educate the next generation, or fund Jewish life, this question is no longer theoretical—it is yours.

Zionist Goals for the Next Era (A Framework, Not a Platform)

  1. The goal is a globally literate Jewish people—historically grounded, Hebrew-connected, and conscious of a shared destiny. 
  2. The goal of sovereignty is not merely a sovereign state, but communities that cultivate responsibility, readiness, and leadership rather than fear and dependency.
  3. The goal is shared responsibility between the Diaspora and Israel, not transactional support, with Aliyah treated as a supported life path alongside deep engagement for those who remain abroad. The goal of leadership is long-term survival over short-term approval, measured by outcomes rather than optics.
  4. The goal of Israel’s practiced Zionism is not merely survival through strength, but the preparation of a society capable of carrying what history has placed upon it—building the infrastructure to absorb new immigrants at scale, repairing deep political and cultural fractures, affirming national service as a shared civic burden, and confronting the lasting trauma and PTSD borne by those who serve with the seriousness, responsibility, and resilience owed to the generation that will inherit tomorrow.

Zionism without goals is not a mistake—it is a moral abdication, and we are standing inside it. Zionism has never lacked passion; it has lacked courage at moments when it mattered most. The founders understood that history is shaped by those willing to define victory and accept the cost of pursuing it. A people that refuses to set goals eventually forfeits the right to complain about its future.

If Zionism does not choose a future, others will choose it for us. Zionism was never merely about surviving history—it was about shaping it, and shaping ourselves in the process.

The writer is the founder and CEO of The Israel Innovation Fund and author of the forthcoming book Never Again Is Not Enough: Why Hebraization Is the Only Way to Save the Diaspora. He leads initiatives, including Wine on the Vine, Project Maccabee, and Herzl AI, that are dedicated to Jewish strength, Hebrew revival, and Israeli cultural renewal.