The situation in Tripoli in northern Lebanon is now calm after several days of
fierce fighting. The clashes pitted Alawi supporters of the Assad regime in
Syria against Sunni Islamist partisans of the rebellion against his rule. At
least 11 people were killed in three days of violence. A few days after the
Tripoli incidents, clashes also took place between pro and anti-Assad Sunnis in
the Lebanese capital, Beirut.
This followed the death, in unclear
circumstances, of anti-regime cleric Sheikh Ahmed Abdul- Wahid at a Lebanese
Army checkpoint in the north.
The spillover from Syria into Lebanon has
now grown more complex with the kidnapping of 13 Lebanese Shia Muslims near
Aleppo in Syria, allegedly by Syrian rebels. The Lebanese were returning from a
pilgrimage in Iran. The Free Syrian Army has denied any connection to the
abductions.
Some Lebanese analysts believe that the first two of these
incidents were deliberately orchestrated by the Syrian regime as part of its
attempt to portray the rebellion against it as dominated by Sunni Islamists.
Such claims should not be ruled out. The fighting in Tripoli and Beirut should
serve as a warning sign as to what can be expected in Lebanon if the civil war
currently under way in Syria continues and intensifies, and if the Assad regime
begins to sense its own impending demise. The clashes in Tripoli took
place along a well-established and well-known line of tension. This is the
borderline between the neighborhoods of Bab al- Tabbaneh and Jabel Mohsen – two
heavily politicized neighborhoods that tend to the geometrically opposite ends
of the political spectrum. Largely Alawite Jabel Mohsen, a stronghold of the
Syrian Social Nationalist Party, is one of the parties other than the Ba’ath
legally permitted to exist in Syria. Once an ideological group, the SSNP
is now a clanbased political-military organization well known for its members’
thuggishness and brutality. In Lebanon, it forms one of the tools available to
the Assad regime. SSNP gunmen bore the main part of the fighting over the last
weeks.
Bab al-Tabbaneh, meanwhile, is home to a large gathering of Salafi
Sunnis. It is, consequently, a center of support for both the revolt against
Assad and the opposition to the current Hezbollah-led government. The spark that
lit the fire for the clashes was the arrest by the Lebanese General Security
Directorate of 25-year-old Sunni Islamist Shadi Mawlawi on vaguely defined
“terrorism” charges. (He has since been released.) The subsequent fighting in
Beirut, which was focused on the Mazraa area of the city, saw anti-Assad and
anti- Hezbollah Sunnis attacking and destroying the premises of a pro-Assad
Sunni organization.
The kidnappings in Aleppo led to stirrings on the
other side of the Lebanese spectrum, as relatives of the pilgrims in Shia
southern Beirut went out to the streets and blocked several roads with burning
tires. The roads were reopened after Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah appealed
for calm.
WHAT, IF anything, can be concluded from this sudden eruption
of the Syrian crisis into Lebanon? First of all, it is important to realize the
extent to which the politics of the two countries are linked by myriad
connections.
Syria occupied Lebanon between 1990 and 2005.
Both
the Syrian regime and the insurgency against it have allies in Lebanon, who seek
to aid their respective causes.
It is undoubtedly the case that Tripoli forms a stronghold of support for the
uprising against Assad. The border between Lebanon and Syria has served as one
of the transit points for weapons and supplies for the insurgency. Assad’s
Hezbollah allies, as part of the broader regional pro-Iran bloc, have been
offering the beleaguered dictator their assistance in a variety of ways.
Hezbollah and Lebanese Army forces are deployed on the border to prevent arms
convoys from reaching the rebels. Hezbollah personnel have engaged in advising
and training Syrian forces for urban warfare and have probably engaged directly
in combat alongside the Syrians.
Yet until this month, the distinction
between strife-torn Syria and quiet, if tense, Lebanon had been maintained. No
longer. The following facts should be borne in mind:
The Syrian regime has a
long record of utilization of proxy military organizations and of employing the
“strategy of tension” whereby the regime first creates problems and then offers
itself as the solution to them. This, indeed, has formed the core of Syrian
regional policy under both Bashar and his father. The regime also has a
particular liking for manipulating and making use of Sunni Islamists as a tool
of its policy. Here, one should recall the open border policy maintained for
Sunni militants wishing to take part in the insurgency against the US in
Iraq.
The famous Ahmed Abu Adas, a Sunni Islamist who mysteriously
appeared in 2005, (falsely) claiming responsibility for the killing of Rafiq
al-Hariri, is a similar example of this policy.
The Assad regime at
present wants to portray its opponents as Sunni Islamist extremists, in order to
cast itself as a bulwark against the spread of Sunni Islamism. The regime has
long made clear that if its survival is threatened, it will not die quietly or
alone. Rather, the impact will be felt in neighboring countries.
The
incidents in both Tripoli and Beirut were sparked by actions taken by the
Lebanese authorities – the arrest of Shadi Mawlawi and the killing of Sheikh
Abdul-Wahid. Mawlawi was arrested by the General Security Directorate, one of
two main Lebanese internal security organs. It is widely regarded by Lebanese as
closely linked to the Syrian regime. Given this track record and given
the intensifying civil war situation in Syria, it seems probable that the sudden
chain of incidents spreading tensions to Lebanon is not happening purely by
chance. Rather, the Assad regime is doing what it knows. The Assads specialize
in an often crude and transparent application of the methods taught them by the
communist police states that were once their closest allies. Lebanon appears to
be currently experiencing the latest manifestation of this.
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