Legitimate grievance or political stunt?
By JPOST EDITORIAL
05/13/2012 22:03
Israel must realize that it gains little by negotiating with the striking prisoners.
Palestinians hold pictures of Hana Shalabi Photo: REUTERS
In mid-April several dozen Palestinians began a hunger strike that has since
grown to include almost 2,000 Palestinian prisoners. The prisoners demand not
only an end to the practice of administrative detention, but also increased
family visits and an end to solitary confinement. Although recent reports
indicate that a negotiated solution may come soon, it has generated widespread
international interest.
On May 4, Amnesty International issued an “urgent
action” announcement, declaring that “two Palestinian hunger strikers’ lives are
in danger.” Amnesty called on its supporters to write to Israeli government
officials demanding the release of six specific prisoners who were being held in
administrative detention and had not yet been charged. Amnesty further requested
that Israel “ensure that all detainees on hunger strike are allowed regular,
private access to independent doctors, families and lawyers, treated humanely,
and not punished in any way for their hunger strike.” The European Union’s
office in Jerusalem also announced that it was concerned about the hunger
strikers, particularly those being held in administrative
detention.
While the international community has focused on the issue of
administrative detainees, the actual hunger strike affects a much larger segment
of the prisoner population. According to recent data, there were around
322 prisoners under administrative detention in the beginning of April, and that
number has not changed dramatically. The use of administrative detention or
other types of detention of terror suspects without charging them is not a
uniquely Israeli method. Under UK law, suspects may be detained for up to 28
days.
Columbia Law School Associate Prof. Matthew Waxman, an expert on
law and national security, has noted that the argument in favor of
administrative detention “generally begins with the notion that exclusive
reliance on prosecution, along with its usual panoply of defendant rights and
strict rules of evidence, cannot effectively, expeditiously or exhaustively
remove the threat of dangerous terrorists.”
In addition, the Israeli
Supreme Court in 2008 noted that the “purpose [of the law] is to protect state
security by removing from the cycle of hostilities anyone who is a member of a
terrorist organization... in view of the threat that he represents to the
security of the state and the lives of its inhabitants.” One of the laws on
administrative detention applies to Israeli citizens just as it does to
Palestinians in the West Bank.
The hunger strike being carried out by the
Palestinians should be viewed in its context as a political tool, much as Gilad
Schalit was used as a bargaining chip to obtain the release of Palestinian
prisoners. The discovery of this new tool in the struggle was made after Islamic
Jihad activist Khader Adnan was released from detention after a hunger strike
earlier this year. Hana Shalabi, another Islamic Jihad hunger striker, was
released by Israel to the Gaza Strip on April 1. This led directly to the
expansion of this method of protest among Islamic Jihad members and then among
Palestinian prisoners in general. Now the West Bank is festooned with images and
cartoons related to the strike and some Palestinian factions have threatened
violence if any of the strikers die as a result of their choices.
The
false dichotomy that Israel is faced with is the assumption that simply because
Palestinians are protesting, their claims must be legitimate. But are they? In
2011, Ma’ariv reported that prisoner Haytham Battat was regularly updating his
Facebook page and that another prisoner had posted photos of lavish meals.
Prisoners had cellphones and seemed to enjoy a “lavish” lifestyle.
The
fact that some Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails are subject to solitary
confinement is also not exceptional. Many Jewish prisoners are placed in
solitary confinement, including Hagai Amir, the recently released brother of the
assassin of Yitzhak Rabin, who spent much of his time in prison in solitary
confinement. That some Palestinian prisoners have been punished by this method
of imprisonment is not remarkable, in the Israeli or international
context.
Israel must realize that it gains little by negotiating with the
striking prisoners. Too many concessions to these strikers will encourage this
method of “resistance.”