The Region: Middle East scoreboard
09/23/2012 22:16
It is amazing how events in international affairs that would have been easily and accurately understood decades ago are now surrounded by obfuscation and misunderstanding.
US Consulate in Benghazi in flames during protest Photo: reuters
It is amazing how events in international affairs that would have been easily
and accurately understood decades ago are now surrounded by obfuscation and
misunderstanding. Such is the case with Libya and the US role
there.
The facts are clear. Along with its NATO allies, the United States
helped overthrow the dictatorship of Muammar Gaddafi in Libya and installed a
new regime. This government, non-Islamist, technocratic, and led by defected
old-regime politicians or former exiles, won the election and is now in
power.
What does this mean? Simple. Libya is now a US client state. In
the eyes of many Arabs and Muslims – especially the radicals, but not just them
– Libya is now an American puppet state. Most important of all, it is not an
Islamist Shari’a state. The revolutionaries – a group including the Muslim
Brotherhood, radical small groups and the local al-Qaida affiliates – want to
change that situation.
How do you do that? One way is to attack the
regime’s institutions, including raiding police stations to get weapons. Another
way is to assassinate officials. A tempting way to build popular support is to
murder Americans.
The killing of the ambassador and five other Americans
(a Foreign Service reserve officer, two bodyguards and two Marines) has nothing
to do with a video made in California. It has everything to do with the Libyan
Islamist revolution. This revolution will go on for years and will become
increasingly bloody. It is nothing short of amazing that US leaders don’t seem
to recognize this.
Bush occupied Iraq and Afghanistan; Obama occupied
Libya and killed Osama bin Laden. Have no doubt that the revolutionaries –
including the Muslim Brotherhood – and a lot of others view Obama as just as bad
as Bush. Obama’s attempts at appeasement have further convinced them that
America is finished and easily bullied. In his speech of September 2010 calling
for revolution in Egypt, Muslim Brotherhood leader Muhammad al-Badi said so
explicitly.
In Iraq, a combination of factors has defused the situation
directly, though resentments born years ago still are part of the package of
genuinely popular but also jihadi-stimulated anti-Americanism. The surge won the
war and the long-planned withdrawal was implemented by Obama. A government
exists which is hardly a model of democracy but sufficiently stable for the
foreseeable future. The Sunnis have basically given up trying to take over the
country; the central government accepts the Kurds having a de facto state in the
north. A lot of people are still being murdered by
terrorism.
Afghanistan, because it isn’t an Arab country, has a
relatively small impact in the Arabic-speaking world and eventually US forces
will withdraw from there as well. The Taliban, treacherously aided by forces
including official government agencies in Pakistan, will go on trying to
overthrow the US-sponsored government and might succeed. But that’s a problem
for the future.
As for bin Laden, obviously his death is a cause for
al-Qaida to seek revenge. But, of course, they’d be attacking Americans and US
installations even if he was still alive. It’s a myth that al-Qaida has been
defeated. Precisely because it is so decentralized, the group’s local affiliates
are quite active in North Africa, Yemen, Egypt (especially the Sinai Peninsula
for the first time ever), the Gaza Strip and increasingly in
Syria.
Others who are not al-Qaida and never saw bin Laden as their
leader will opportunistically use the US killing of the September 11 architect
to stir up anger. They will also use inevitable periodic incidents like the
recent anti-Muslim film that appeared in the US.
There will always be
more such incidents. Jihadis are surfing the Internet looking for some
obscure incident or writing to promote. That’s what happened with the
video, which some of them translated into Arabic and widely circulated. And when
there is no real such incident, the revolutionaries will fabricate
one.
Aside from everything else, Libya has two special factors. First, it
is beset by tribalism and regionalism which create a complex web of conflicts.
Despite its oil wealth, this makes Libya extremely hard to govern. Some tribal
and regionalist forces will remain interest groups; others will adopt a
revolutionary Islamist ideology. There is no way of resolving these issues. Any
Libyan government will have to go for massive repression – as Gaddafi did and
the current government won’t – or engage in a constant juggling game.
In
Iraq, a major plus for achieving a stable regime was the common interest of
Shias – though they quarreled endlessly among themselves – in sticking together
to keep the Sunnis from massacring them and reclaiming power. The Kurds, while
claiming autonomy, were also a stabilizing force. No such powerful political
glue exists in Libya.
Second, the regime is very heavily infiltrated –
far more so than Iraq or Afghanistan – by revolutionary Islamist elements.
Extremists did a lot of the fighting against Gaddafi and picked up a lot of
arms. One of the most popular and important army commanders is the former head
of the Libyan al-Qaida affiliate.
Anything the US government tells its
Libyan counterparts – where the ambassador or embassy staff is located, for
example – will quickly be passed on to the terrorists.
All of this is a
nightmare. The United States is only at the start of a nasty conflict in Libya
which is going to be very anti-American. It is shocking that there is so little
recognition of that fact and an apparently sincere belief that all the problems
there are due to a YouTube video. Having such a serious problem is bad enough;
refusing to recognize that one has a serious problem is potentially
fatal.
The writer is director of the Global Research in International
Affairs (GLORIA) Center, Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya, and editor of the
Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA) journal. His latest books
are The Israel-Arab Reader (seventh edition), The Long War for Freedom: The Arab
Struggle for Democracy in the Middle East (Wiley), and The Truth About Syria
(Palgrave- Macmillan). GLORIA Center is at www.gloriacenter.org