On the large wooden desk in the office of US Ambassador Mike Huckabee, taking pride of place is a glass-enclosed mezuzah case in the shape of a B-2 bomber built out of shrapnel from an Iranian missile that fell during the June war with Israel.
It is the same design that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu handed to US President Donald Trump during his visit to the White House last month.
The bombers were instrumental as the US joined Israel in targeting Iranian nuclear sites, dropping huge 30,000-pound “bunker buster” bombs on the Fordow and Natanz facilities.
For Huckabee, the mezuzah is emblematic of the special relationship between the US and Israel, a relationship that, despite its ups and downs over the decades, has perhaps never been stronger or more strategically aligned than it is today.
“If you came to my home tonight for dinner and said, ‘Mike, I like you. You’re a great guy. But we can’t stand your wife, we think she’s awful,’ the first thing I’d do is tell you to get your rear end up and get out of my house. You cannot come in and tell me you love me but can’t stand my partner. Insulting my partner is insulting me,” Huckabee explained when asked about the special relationship between the two nations.
Sitting down with The Jerusalem Post for an exclusive interview after 100 days in office, the ambassador emphasized the urgency of current challenges, which converge in ways that define his approach to one of America’s most consequential diplomatic postings. His tenure comes at a pivotal moment when the Middle East is reshaping itself, antisemitism is rising globally, and the US-Israel partnership faces both unprecedented opportunities and familiar pressures.
Judea and Samaria
When it comes to the contentious issue of Israeli sovereignty over parts of the West Bank, Huckabee, long known as a staunch supporter of the view that Judea and Samaria are an integral part of Israel, made it clear that Israel is a sovereign nation that will make its own decisions. His position reflects both personal conviction and official policy, though he’s careful to distinguish between the two.
“That’s really not the president’s style,” Huckabee stated on potential US pressure regarding annexation. “He may express his own opinions, but he has not waded into the waters of saying, ‘you ought to annex this or that.’ He just hasn’t. I think he respects that Israel is a sovereign country.”
This hands-off approach represents a significant shift from previous administrations that often viewed American influence as essential in shaping Israeli territorial decisions. Under Trump’s leadership, Huckabee suggested, the relationship has evolved toward greater respect for Israeli autonomy in matters of national security and territorial integrity.
“In his first term, the administration was very clear that it is not a violation of international law for Israelis to live in Judea and Samaria,” the ambassador told the Post. “That was a very clear doctrine of the first Trump term. But beyond that, the US has not taken a position on what Israel should do. It should make its own decisions.”
When pressed about whether this view means there is no explicit “don’t” from the administration regarding annexation, Huckabee’s response was characteristically measured: “I’m not familiar with whether they would or would not.” It was a diplomatic answer that nevertheless suggested that the traditional American role as a restraining influence may be diminishing.
The ambassador’s language choices were deliberate and revealing. He consistently used the biblical terms “Judea” and “Samaria” rather than the more politically neutral “West Bank,” explaining that many in the administration prefer this terminology because of its historical and religious significance.
“They’re historic terms,” Huckabee voiced with conviction. “They reflect 3,500 years of geography. Eighty percent of the Bible happened in Judea and Samaria.” For a former Baptist minister turned diplomat, this framing isn’t merely political – it’s deeply personal and theological, reflecting a worldview that sees modern Israel as the continuation of an ancient biblical narrative.
From his office in the US Embassy in Jerusalem, Huckabee can literally see the manifestation of one of the Trump administration’s most dramatic Middle East policy shifts. The embassy’s relocation from Tel Aviv in 2018, following President Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, remains one of the most symbolically significant American foreign policy moves in decades.
“The Trump administration has made huge changes on the ground,” Huckabee said, gesturing around his Jerusalem office. “We’re sitting in it right now.” The emotional weight of that decision continues to resonate with him, particularly given his personal involvement in its genesis.
“It was an emotional day. I was at the White House and had a chance to have a one-on-one with him in the Oval Office. It was just the two of us, and I asked, ‘Mr. President, why did you do it? Everyone told you not to.’”
“I’ll never forget his answer. Classic President Trump. He just said, ‘Because I said I would, and it’s the right thing to do.’”
This anecdote encapsulates what Huckabee sees as Trump’s approach to Israel policy – principled, decisive, and unswayed by conventional diplomatic wisdom or international pressure.
The embassy move was more than symbolic politics; it represented a fundamental shift in how America views the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and Jerusalem’s status. By recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and moving the embassy there, the Trump administration effectively endorsed Israeli sovereignty over the city, breaking with decades of American policy, although then-US secretary of state Rex Tillerson clarified that Trump’s statement “did not indicate any final status for Jerusalem” and “was very clear that the final status, including the borders, would be left to the two parties to negotiate and decide.”
Syria and the Abraham Accords’ future
As regional dynamics continue to evolve, Huckabee sees both challenges and opportunities emerging from Syria’s changing political landscape since the fall of former strongman Bashar al-Assad last December. The situation there has become particularly complex since the new Syrian government, led by President Ahmed al-Sharaa, began targeting Druze minority areas, creating tensions with Israel and raising humanitarian concerns.
“There’s no value in a hostile border,” Huckabee stated when asked about recent Israeli-Syrian tensions, particularly regarding the Druze minority community. “It doesn’t help Israel. It doesn’t help Syria. It’s not good for the region. Israel doesn’t want conflict with Syria. Neither does Israel want to take over Syrian territory. They just want to defend themselves and ensure a secure border.”
Huckabee emphasized that American policy remains focused on protecting vulnerable communities while encouraging peaceful resolution of disputes.
“The United States has been very, very adamant that we want to make sure Druze and other minority groups are protected. That they’re not going to be slaughtered,” he explained with evident concern. “It’s a grave concern to us, because we have a lot of admiration for and support of the Druze community. But we also see other minority groups in Syria, and we have a full expectation that they will not be abused, slaughtered, or targeted.”
The ambassador’s warning is a necessary one: any government action placing minority communities at risk would be “a disaster.” He added with emphasis, “I think the president cares very deeply about there being a peaceful future in Syria. He has no interest in seeing people slaughtered.”
This humanitarian concern intersects with broader strategic thinking about regional normalization with Israel. As others have mentioned since the regime change, Huckabee suggested that Syria could become one of the next Abraham Accord countries, despite current tensions.
“It’s very fragile right now; I won’t pretend it isn’t.” The possibility seems remote given current circumstances, but Huckabee’s optimism reflects his broader faith in the Abraham Accords’ transformative potential.
Reflecting on those historic agreements, Huckabee emphasized their fundamental purpose. “The Abraham Accords were all about bringing normalization so that you would de-escalate tension,” he said. The results, he argued, speak for themselves.
“If you think about what the Abraham Accords did, they took nations that had been, at best, tense, some even enemies, and brought them together. They normalized relations, signed trade and tourism agreements, and created conditions for cooperation that had never before been envisioned.”
This success, in Huckabee’s view, demonstrates that regional peace doesn’t require resolving every outstanding dispute first. “This is about individual nations making a compact with Israel for normalization,” he explained. “While Gaza is the immediate focus, normalization can continue in parallel. If other countries would come on board now, it would be wonderful. It doesn’t have to depend on something else.”
The New York challenge
From his seat in Jerusalem, Huckabee watches American domestic politics with growing concern, particularly regarding antisemitism’s rise in major American cities. The possibility that Democratic candidate Zohran Mamdani, who in the past has called to “globalize the intifada,” might be elected as New York City’s next mayor deeply troubles him.
“It disturbs me greatly that someone with a long history of antisemitic comments and behavior would be elected in a city with such a large Jewish population,” Huckabee told the Post bluntly. His concern extends beyond one candidate to what he sees as a broader pattern of tolerance for antisemitism in American urban centers.
“If that continues, there ought to be a big billboard on the outskirts of New York saying: ‘Would the last person who leaves please turn out the lights on your way to Florida, or maybe on your way to Israel if you make aliyah?’” The ambassador’s dark humor masked genuine alarm about America’s ability to protect its Jewish citizens and maintain its values.
This domestic challenge particularly galls Huckabee because he sees it as fundamentally at odds with American principles. “It makes no sense. It’s irrational, hurtful, and disgusting to me,” he said with evident frustration. “You’d think we’d be better than that. I hope things change, dramatically and for the better.”
The problem extends beyond politics to education, where Huckabee sees university campuses as particularly problematic.
“My kids are grown now, but I’ve got grandkids coming up,” he noted personally. “I wouldn’t spend a nickel to send them to one of these schools that tolerate hatred of Jewish people.”
His solution is characteristically direct: economic pressure. “I hope more parents will take the same approach. When that happens, and when donors stop giving money, maybe it will finally get their attention and force change.” Some campuses, he believes, may already be “lost,” but market forces could still drive institutional reform.
European blunders
Huckabee, however, reserved his harshest criticism for European leaders, whom he accused of undermining negotiations by threatening unilateral recognition of a Palestinian state, which, in essence, rewards Hamas for October 7.
“When you have all these European nations saying, ‘Israel’s not going to have a ceasefire, we’re going to go ahead and unilaterally recognize a Palestinian state,’ what do you think that did with Hamas? It emboldened them. It empowered them. And that’s when [hostage deal] negotiations were over right then,” Huckabee told the Post.
The ambassador also noted the distinct contrast in recent months between European and Arab positions, praising the Arab League for unanimously calling on Hamas to “completely disarm and let all the hostages go at once” during the same week, European leaders were pressuring Israel and announcing declarations to recognize a Palestinian state.
While acknowledging ongoing pressure from various parties, including Qatar’s recent reengagement in Cairo negotiations, Huckabee expressed skepticism about Hamas’s willingness to compromise. “Hamas is not a nation-state. They’re a terror organization,” he said. “Any expectation that they’re going to behave like civilized people other than savages is quite optimistic.”
When asked by the Post about the role Egypt and Qatar have played in negotiations, the ambassador was forthcoming, stating, “I think there’s been a lot more pressure than maybe people realize. I’m not sure why Qatar hasn’t been more involved, although they would probably claim to have been very involved. They just went to Cairo to re-engage in negotiations.
“Egypt has been very engaged. Egypt has been, I think, very instrumental in moving things as much as anyone can.”
And it was to Qatari and Egyptian mediators that Hamas turned on Monday, reportedly agreeing to the latest Gaza hostage-ceasefire proposal. As of press time, the ball is currently in Israel’s court as it weighs whether to agree or not.
The unshakable alliance
Returning to the status of the US-Israel relationship, when confronted with voices in the United States calling for Washington to scale back its ties with Israel, Huckabee responded with characteristic directness.
“There are voices in Congress, particularly on the far Left, that are openly hostile to Israel,” he admitted. “In many cases, it goes beyond criticism of the Israeli government. It’s outright antisemitism. It’s concerning. But I don’t think it represents a frightening level of influence.”
This assessment reflects both optimism about the relationship’s fundamental strength and realism about domestic political pressures. Huckabee’s confidence stems partly from his understanding of how deeply integrated American and Israeli institutions have become.
“Israel is a unique partner, unlike any other,” he emphasized. “We share not only technology and intelligence at a seamless level, but also the same threats. Most people would be shocked to learn how integrated our governments are when it comes to counterterrorism and intelligence sharing.”
This integration extends far beyond what most Americans understand about the relationship. The two nations collaborate on everything from cybersecurity to space technology, from medical research to agricultural innovation. Their intelligence agencies work so closely that threats to one are immediately shared with the other, creating a kind of strategic nervous system that benefits both countries’ security.
The depth of Huckabee’s commitment to the US-Israel relationship sometimes draws criticism, but he wears such accusations as a badge of honor rather than a diplomatic liability.
“Sometimes I get accused of sounding more like the Israeli ambassador to the US than the US ambassador to Israel,” he acknowledged with a slight smile. “I tell them, when someone insults America’s closest partner, I take it as an insult to the United States. Because you’ve insulted the country we are closer to than any other on earth.”
The mezuzah in the glass case on his desk is proof of that.