Is ultra-Orthodox terrorism possible?

While the notion of haredi terrorism seems farfetched, it is becoming a likely scenario.

By AVI JAGER
Israeli police officers clash with Ultra Orthodox Jewish men during a protest against the enforcement of coronavirus emergency regulations, in the Ultra Orthodox jewish neighborhood of Mea Shearim, Jerusalem, October 4, 2020 (photo credit: NATI SHOHAT/FLASH90)
Israeli police officers clash with Ultra Orthodox Jewish men during a protest against the enforcement of coronavirus emergency regulations, in the Ultra Orthodox jewish neighborhood of Mea Shearim, Jerusalem, October 4, 2020
(photo credit: NATI SHOHAT/FLASH90)
Is ultra-Orthodox terrorism possible?
The short answer is, yes.
Tensions between Israel’s law enforcement authorities and ultra-Orthodox communities are reaching a breaking point, as the latter continue to defy COVID-19 restrictions on social distancing and group gatherings.
Rightfully or not, large parts of society entered the COVID crisis with a fair amount of resentment toward the haredi (ultra-Orthodox) population. Evading military service, violating the delicate balance between state and religion and receiving social security payments for studying in yeshivot, are among the primary areas of dispute.
From the haredi standpoint, their rights were lawfully obtained. More so, they genuinely believe that Torah study is more important than tangible, materialistic gains of joining the workforce or the military. Above all, they wish to maintain the integrity of their closed communities in order to preserve their unique lifestyle.
In fact, for the ultra-Orthodox, the possibility that their lifestyle would be disrupted is a greater threat than that of COVID-19. That is why, over the past few weeks, prominent leaders within the ultra-Orthodox community openly called to disobey the government’s instructions. In return, security forces were deployed to disperse illegal gatherings at weddings, prayer services and schools, inflaming the tension even more.
The growing discontent toward state institutions coupled with a collective feeling that their communities and lifestyle are under threat might lead marginal groups within the haredi community to take matters into their own hands. And it wouldn’t be the first time.
Already in 1989, the radical group Keshet terrorized the streets of Tel Aviv as part of its campaign to enforce religious beliefs on the secular residents of the city. They burned newspaper stands, painted swastikas on secular-owned shops and used army-issued explosives to bomb sex shops.
To be safe, the great majority of the haredi population in Israel is peaceful and reasonable, but so does any other population from which terrorism emerges. Terrorism is an aberration of an otherwise normal culture, ideology or religion.
It is true, however, that some groups are more prone to terrorism than others. The unique characteristics of the ultra-Orthodox community correlate with the risk factors identified by the professional literature on terrorism and radicalization.
Holding religious fundamentalist views, participating in an indoctrinative education system from a young age, nursing on institutionalized loathe to state authorities, being part of a closed group without access to any counter-narrative and tendency to enthusiastically and blindly follow the commands of their leaders are only a partial list of the risk factors.
Indeed, the necessary components for group radicalization are in place. The only thing missing for violence to take place is a triggering event followed by a reckless call for action, or even by a misinterpretation of a vague comment made by the ultra-Orthodox leadership.
While the notion of haredi terrorism seems farfetched, it is becoming a likely scenario. The State of Israel must address the grievances of the ultra-Orthodox society and establish direct communication channels with them. Only by offering an appropriate counter-narrative to the anti-establishment narrative currently portrayed in the ultra-Orthodox streets, can Israel stop the growing animosity and prevent future violence from occurring.
More importantly, additional research is needed in order to build a deep understanding of the potential phenomenon and ways to counter it, before it is too late.
The writer, a major in the reserves, served as a team commander and deputy company commander in the IDF Special Forces. He is currently completing his PhD at the War Studies Department of King’s College London while serving as a junior visiting researcher at the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism.