Quarter of Congress wants Israel-US relationship to change - analysis

But the reason that Congress is the critical linchpin in the relationship is because it is Congress that allocates US aid – not the president, not the administration.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) and Vice President Mike Pence take part in a joint session of Congress to certify the 2020 election results on Capitol Hill in Washington, US, January 6, 2021. (photo credit: ERIN SCHAFF/POOL VIA REUTERS)
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) and Vice President Mike Pence take part in a joint session of Congress to certify the 2020 election results on Capitol Hill in Washington, US, January 6, 2021.
(photo credit: ERIN SCHAFF/POOL VIA REUTERS)
I am a firm believer that the foundation of the relationship between the United States and Israel is grounded in Congress and not in the White House. It is that relationship which has always been responsible for the enduring stability of the give-and-take between Washington and Jerusalem.
I have always held that position and I hold it still. It does not matter who occupies the big office at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. It doesn’t matter if they are there for four years or for eight. It is the men and women elected to Congress that count.
Certainly, the person occupying the White House, the president of the United States, can make the relationship easier or more difficult. So, too, the behavior displayed by Israel can bring about a more relaxed relationship, or one fraught with tension.
But the reason that Congress is the critical linchpin in the relationship is because it is Congress that allocates US aid – not the president, not the administration.
The 2022 Congressional budget is slated to allocate $3.8 billion to Israel. This sum was agreed upon in 2016, in an agreement sealed between then-US president Barack Obama and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. It was part of a 10-year MOU, a memorandum of understanding, signed between the two countries. An MOU is akin to a treaty – but it is not the president who delivers on this deal, it is Congress that allocates the money.
And the deal, this very generous deal, was passed in Congress and became federal law in 2020 as part of the National Defense Authorization Act, titled the US-Israel Security Assistance Authorization Act (UISAAA).
Support for Israel has been bi-partisan, with almost complete support from both Congressional parties for many years. But over the last few days, keen eyes have spotted some proverbial leaks in the dike. Certainly, anti-Israel websites have noticed. And they have latched onto this change and are touting it as a new trend in the relationship between the United States and Israel.
They are declaring it the beginning of the end of the unfettered pro-Israel congressional orientation.
AT A virtual J Street conference held just recently two senators, Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders, independently suggested that aid to Israel be conditional. They aim to link US aid to Israel with Israel’s behavior toward the Palestinians.
This agenda item brought by Sanders and Warren came just days after Democratic Representative Betty McCollum of Minnesota introduced a bill calling for the prohibition of using US taxpayer money to foster what she called human rights violations against Palestinians and annexation or demolition of Palestinian homes.
In response to McCollum’s bill AIPAC galvanized their supporters. A letter spearheaded by Ted Deutch, a Democrat from Florida and Michael McCaul, a Republican from Texas, was sent around Congress; 328 members of Congress signed the letter. It was then sent to the chair of the House Appropriations Committee, Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.) and to the ranking member of the committee, Kay Granger (R-Texas).
The letter was short and to the point: aid to Israel is in the national security interest of the United States. It reads:
“Congress is committed to maintaining Israel’s qualitative military edge and its ability to defend itself, by itself, against persistent threats. Our aid to Israel is a vital and cost-effective expenditure which advances important US national security interests in a highly challenging region.
“For decades, presidents of both parties have understood the strategic importance of providing Israel with security assistance.”
“We recognize that not every Member of Congress will agree with every policy decision of every Israeli government.”
“However, as President Biden has stated, ‘I’m not going to place conditions for the security assistance given the serious threats that Israel is facing, and this would be, I think, irresponsible.’ Reducing funding or adding conditions on security assistance would be detrimental to Israel’s ability to defend itself against all threats. We urge you to fulfill our commitments as agreed to in the 2016 MOU as codified by the UISAAA, and in accordance with all US laws.”
FOR SEVERAL years now there has been a move by what is being called “the more progressive elements in Congress” to condition aid to Israel and to attach a serious stick to the carrot of aid. For several years the thinking was that the progressive element was composed of a mere four-person group of Congressional representatives, a group known colloquially as “the Squad.”
We now know better – 328 members of Congress signed that letter supporting unconditional US aid to Israel, but there are 435 members of Congress. That means that 107 men and women of Congress did not sign. That comes to 25% – a significant number.
That’s not to say that those who did not sign are necessarily anti-Israel. But it does tell us that these members of Congress want the paradigm to shift, they want the relationship between Israel and the United States changed.
Anti-Israel groups may be right. This very well may be a new trend away from unconditional support of Israel. A worrisome trend. A potentially dangerous trend.
Israel can take care of itself. That is something else I have firmly maintained for years. But in politics as in diplomacy, it never hurts to have powerful friends in high places.