'So why does the Left hate Netanyahu so much?'

Though I do not deny Netanyahu’s many economic and political achievements, I shall be happy to see the Netanyahu era come to an end as a result of Monday’s elections. It might or might not happen.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu looks on as he delivers a statement during his visit at the Health Ministry national hotline, in Kiryat Malachi, Israel March 1, 2020 (photo credit: AMIR COHEN/REUTERS)
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu looks on as he delivers a statement during his visit at the Health Ministry national hotline, in Kiryat Malachi, Israel March 1, 2020
(photo credit: AMIR COHEN/REUTERS)
The above headline is the title of an article that appeared in the most recent issue of Ha-Umma – an intellectual right-wing quarterly edited by Yossi Ahimeir – written by one of the coeditors of Maariv, Doron M. Cohen.
Cohen argues that in Israel there are both right-wing religious messianics, who strive for Greater Israel, and left-wing secular messianics, who strive for the Two-State Solution. Both groups of messianics hate Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, each for its own reason.
The first, because while Netanyahu talks of annexing Judea and Samaria, he has in fact given the Palestinians large chunks of Eretz Yisrael and has failed to annex any of the territories liberated/occupied in 1967.
The second, because while Netanyahu has spoken of the two-state solution (under certain conditions), he has in fact acted to ensure that such a solution will become impossible. According to Cohen, the Left hates Netanyahu for killing the two-state solution, and for causing the assassination of he who bore the message of this solution – Yitzhak Rabin.
In Cohen’s view, Netanyahu is, in fact, an anti-messianic leader – a true realpolitik leader, whose main concern is Israel’s survival and prosperity. I believe his analysis is wrong.
While it is true that the Left views Netanyahu as an enemy of the two-state solution, and accuses him of responsibility for much of the anti-Rabin incitement leading up to November 4, 1995, these are certainly not the reasons why the Left hates or detests Netanyahu.
First of all, for the Left, the two-state solution is not a messianic dream, but rather a pragmatic evaluation that in the absence of some sort of two-state arrangement, the only alternative, long-term solution is annexation by Israel of the whole of western Eretz Yisrael, in which case Israel will cease to be a Jewish state with a Jewish majority, or cease to be a democratic state according to all the parameters of a democracy (majority rule, equal human and civil rights for all, etc.). The advocacy of the two-state solution is simply the less objectionable between two imperfect solutions – for both Israelis and Palestinians.
Furthermore, the Left never considered Rabin a messiah. In fact, he did not advocate the two-state solution, and he certainly did not initiate the Oslo process. It wasn’t even Shimon Peres who did so, but rather Yossi Beilin, who brought the outline of a plan to Peres first and Rabin second, which he and some colleagues had worked out with several PLO personalities. It was adopted by both Labor leaders, who did not necessarily believe that it was feasible, but rather an opportunity that ought to be given an honest chance.
In fact, history would not have forgiven them if they had not given this option a chance. Whether the attempt failed because of Netanyahu, the Palestinians or a certain naiveté of the Left, is difficult to tell. Netanyahu bears at least some of the responsibility. However, he is not hated/detested by the vast majority of those who will be voting on Monday for the “no Bibi” bloc because he did everything he could to block the two-state solution, or because he didn’t do anything (or enough) to stop those who openly spoke of “din rodef” (law of the pursuer) with regards to Rabin, and thus turned him into a legitimate target of assassination in the eyes of certain fanatic believers.
And incidentally, though in his earlier days as a leader one may have counted Netanyahu as a neoliberal realpolitik pragmatist, in the last three to five years he is much more of an opportunist, whose first and foremost concern is how to avoid standing trial and facing justice over three serious charges of bribery, fraud and breach of trust. His prime purpose has been to preserve his right-wing religious bloc, which he believes will save his neck. If he were to believe that a left-center bloc would serve his interests, he would have acted completely differently.
The hatred/detestation of Netanyahu originates elsewhere. It has to do with his personality and modus operandi: his stinginess and sponging on wealthy acquaintances and the state. It has to do with troubled relations with employees – both by his wife and himself. It has to do with his inclination to manipulate facts – both past and present – well before the term “fake news” was invented by US President Donald Trump in 2016, and with increasing frequency he simply lies. It has to do with his total lack of respect for and libelous comments about his rivals, who he is inclined to view as personal enemies, as well as enemies of the state. At some point he started to assume a Louis XIV stance – “l’etat, c’est moi.”
Now he has gone on to depicting his rivals as mentally unstable crooks, even though it is he who has been indicted on serious charges, and mental instability is no stranger to his closest environment. Especially in the last few years – since his criminal investigations turned into charge sheets, and then indictments – his former support for the rule of law, effective gatekeepers and well-functioning democratic institutions seems to be evaporating into thin air. When one dares compare the transformation that he has undergone with that of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, he is insulted – failing to see the similarities.
Speaking of myself I can say that since 1988, when Netanyahu first entered politics as a young, dashing and impressive novice, who seemed to bring a breath of fresh air into our rather staid political arena, I have progressively turned from an impressed observer into an increasingly worried one, with growing negative personal feelings.
The first event that left me feeling disgusted and personally offended was in 1997, when Netanyahu was recorded whispering to the old Rabbi Yitzhak Kaduri: “The left-wingers have forgotten what it means to be Jews.” My immediate reaction was: “I have not forgotten what it means to be a Jew – you, sir, have forgotten what it means to be a mensch.”
Since then Netanyahu hasn’t lost an opportunity to speak disparagingly of the Left – “Hasmol,” with a hissing s, or “small,” equating it with weakness and treasonous conduct, and accusing it of loving Palestinians while hating religious Jews. As a proud left-winger I take all this very personally, and my criticism of this man – the democratically elected prime minister of my state – has progressively turned into disgust and detestation.
No, I do not hate Netanyahu – I hate Yigal Amir, who assassinated Rabin, the antithesis of Netanyahu in most respects. I had the honor of meeting Rabin on several occasions, and had a lot of faith in and respect for the man. I detest Netanyahu for his personal traits, his audacity, and his pretension to speak in my name, as a Sabra and as a liberal Jew, when I reject much of what he says, does and stands for.
Though I do not deny Netanyahu’s many economic and political achievements, I shall be happy to see the Netanyahu era come to an end as a result of Monday’s elections. It might or might not happen.