Say no to a two-party system

An electoral system like the US' would never prevent political gridlock since the very foundation of Israeli society is heterogeneous.

By MICHAEL HARRIS
Great generic picture of Knesset 370 (photo credit: Marc Israel Sellem/The Jerusalem Post)
Great generic picture of Knesset 370
(photo credit: Marc Israel Sellem/The Jerusalem Post)
Israel's electoral system seems to be despised by almost everyone. Is it not those small, pesky parties, that create so much instability in governance? It is analyses like this that lead many Israelis to support a two-party system, even though the current system is by far the best choice for the Jewish State.
Under the status quo, party lists compete for representation in the Knesset in a system of proportional representation. With a guarantee of Knesset seats for parties that win more than 2% of the vote, tiny parties are often able to squeak past the small electoral threshold. This creates difficulties for the prime minister, who is forced to create unstable coalition governments comprised of many small parties.
To solve this problem, many suggest that Israel should adopt a two-party system. The ways to achieve this goal vary. Some suggest the establishment of district based elections, and others propose a dramatic increase in the electoral threshold. These proponents suggest that, with just one right-wing party and one left-wing party, Israel can eradicate political gridlock.
Unfortunately, it is these people that often neglect to appreciate the true beauty of Israel's pluralistic system. It is a true testament to the existence of Israeli democracy that Jews of Russian descent, Ashkenazi haredim, Sephardi haredim, religious Zionists, Arabs, liberal-secularists, and Muslims all have parties that represents their own interests. In a two-party system, this diversity would disappear, and this poses an enormous issue with regards to voter identification.
For instance, the proposed right-wing party would have an unusual blend of secular nationalism, haredi Zionism, haredi non-Zionism and religious Zionism. Would right-wing voters, who are normally able to vote based on their specific preferences, feel comfortable with voting for a party that has no ideological cohesiveness? Frankly, it is a theater of the absurd to imagine both Reuven Rivlin (Likud Beitenu) and Eli Yishai (Shas) as members of the same party.
The same is true of a proposed left-wing party. Is it practical to place Haneen Zoabi in the same faction as both Yair Lapid and Shelly Yacimovich?
If a system like this is ultimately created, then one should not be surprised to witness a dramatic drop in voter turnout. Such has been the case in the United States, where many voters stay at home due to a lack of voter identification.
Ultimately, this conundrum forces us to answer a very significant question: How can Israel maintain its pluralism and increase coalition stability at the same time? 
There are three main changes that Israel can implement that will satisfy both of these requirements. A raise in the threshold to 3% will be a good place to start. This will not only lower the total number of parties that enter the Knesset, but also increase the size of the parties that ultimately gain representation.
Additionally, Israel's Basic Laws should include a provision that allows the leader of the largest faction to have the first chance at forming a government following an election. This would encourage ideologically similar parties to run on joint tickets, and encourage the electorate to vote for larger parties. 
Finally, the breakup of factions following an election should become completely illegal. The former two points have no impact if factions can later subdivide into multiple mini parties.  
Some may consider this solution to be too moderate, yet those critics should take a keen look at Israeli history before they seek to offer sweeping reform.  Back in the 1990's, Israel's electoral system was reformed so that the Prime Minister would be elected directly. This reform sought to strengthen the stability of the coalition, yet the reform incidentally lead many voters to split heir vote and strengthen small parties even further. 
This horrible system was later replaced with the old system, and although stability was never achieved, Israel learned a valuable lesson: Radical reformation can often backfire.
Why does this matter now? Yesh Atid, a likely coalition partner, will probably reignite the debate over electoral reform following their entry into the government. When that debate happens, the people of Israel need to know the true nature of all their options so they can make a constructive decision about political reform.
Only this will bring about the much needed change that the people of Israel deserve. To the chagrin of those that yearn to make the Knesset look more like Congress, the establishment of a two-party system will just make the situation a lot worse.
The writer is the President of TorchPAC, the Pro-Israel Political Organization at New York University. The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author.