DEFENSE MINISTER Ehud Barak 370.
(photo credit: REUTERS)
Invariably, it seems that Defense Minister Ehud Barak says one thing and the US
State Department immediately contradicts him.
At the end of his latest
visit to Washington, where he conferred with his American counterpart, Leon
Panetta, and other senior US officials, the former IDF chief of staff and prime
minister raised the possibility of a unilateral withdrawal from the West
US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton promptly went out with an
unequivocal statement to the effect that there is no substitute for direct
negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. She implied that territorial
concessions by Israel would not do the trick.
It seems that Barak has not
learned from the tragic results of Israel’s two previous unconditional pullbacks
– one from southern Lebanon in 2000 and the other from the Gaza Strip in
The hectic overnight disappearance of Israeli troops from the
so-called Security Zone south of Lebanon’s Litani River simply prompted the
Iranian-backed Hezbollah militia to seize the strategic area and use it as a
base for hostile operations against Israel. It also left Israel’s local ally,
the South Lebanon Army, completely in the lurch – many of its personnel and
their dependents unexpectedly at the mercy of their domestic
Israel’s unilateral pullout from the Gaza Strip, which was
implemented five years later at the behest of then-prime minister Ariel Sharon,
was even more disastrous.
The local Hamas movement, which also was (and
still is) backed by Iran and which is led by Islamic extremists, seized power
immediately after the Israeli troops and settlers were gone. It ousted the
Palestine Liberation Organization’s adherents after defeating the local Fatah
political cadres in an election held half a year after the pullout.
reason for Hamas’s success at the polls was the overwhelming consensus among
Gaza’s Palestinians that the Israelis were forced out by Hamas’s resistance
The fact that Barak now can consider another one-sided and
unconditional evacuation after these two debacles is incredible. His vague
proposal for a repeat performance of Lebanon 2000 in the hotly contested West
Bank suggests that he does not know the traditional Arab (and Muslim) view of
premeditated retreats. It was voiced by Iran’s Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the
leader of its 1979 Islamic Revolution. Indeed, Khomeini was a Persian rather
than an Arab, but true to the two nationalities’ common adherence to Islamic
concepts and tactics, he contended that victorious armies must never withdraw
voluntarily because to do so implies weakness and lack of
Unilateral and unconditional withdrawals are a rarity in modern
A rare and comprehensive ones was carried out by the Soviet
Union’s Red Army four decades after the end of World War II.
by the USSR’s then-leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, it reduced the Soviets’ military
presence in East Germany and the various satellite states, but the USSR’S
political grip on them remained intact. On the other hand, Israel’s political
influence over southern Lebanon and the Gaza Strip was forfeited in toto in 2000
and 2005, respectively.
It is difficult if not impossible to see how a
reduction of Israel’s military presence could affect the political status quo in
the West Bank, however. This assessment is bolstered by the fact that its
advocates, including Barak, rule out a concurrent elimination of Jewish
They are a constant stimulus for Palestinian
Nor are President Barack Obama and the US State Department
likely to be impressed.
They do not regard the presence of more than
350,000 settlers there as a positive development. American officialdom’s
political and strategic preference is that the West Bank’s post-1967 Jewish
population be removed in toto, if only as an inducement for the local
Palestinians to negotiate a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian
Barak is deceiving himself if he believes that US disapproval of
wide-ranging and unrestricted Jewish settlement activity will be modified by the
imposition of new “facts on the ground” – i.e. a unilateral Israeli pullback.
One little-noticed indication of this is the fact that during the 45 years that
have elapsed since the Six Day War, few if any American journalists based in or
on temporary assignment to Israel have reported on the challenges faced by the
settlers or the nationalist and/or religious principles that motivate
One of the facts of life in the news media is that foreign
correspondents operate within the framework of their respective audiences’
political and social consensus and their respective governments’ policies
Therefore, the American media’s consensus, like that of their European
counterparts, is negative insofar as the Jewish settlements are concerned. The
prevailing view is that they are an obstacle rather than a boon to
Although public opinion in the so-called Bible Belt south of the
US Mason-Dixon Line is sympathetic to Israeli Jews who want to return to and
live in biblical Judea and Samaria, the highest priority insofar as US officials
are concerned is the handover of the West Bank (and the Gaza Strip to the local
Palestinians and their allegedly displaced brethren (the 1948-49
Statements or actions perceived in the Arab world as being
based on even the slightest sympathy with or support for the settlers would
undermine the US’s strategic position and influence in the Middle East and risk
anti-American outbursts by the region’s Islamic extremists.The writer is
a veteran foreign correspondent.