Let me begin by categorically stating that no US president has ever completely
satisfied me with regard to his policies toward Israel.
president, Republican and Democrat alike, has refused to do the right thing when
it comes to recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. There may be room
for disagreement about some parts of Jerusalem that were captured by Israel
during its defensive war with Jordan, but there is no room for disagreement
about the status of west Jerusalem, where the Knesset, the Supreme Court, the
Prime Minister’s Office, and the President’s Residence have always been located.
I have been and will remain critical of any president who wrongly believes that
recognizing west Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and placing our embassy there
will make it more difficult to achieve peace.
I have also disagreed with
presidents, both Republican and Democrat, who have suggested that Israel’s
settlement policy is the major barrier to peace between Israel and the
Palestinians. The major barrier has always been, and remains, the Palestinians’
unwillingness to recognize Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people, to
renounce their absurd claim to a so-called “right of return,” and to accept
reasonable offers from Israel regarding the borders of the West
Though I have long been opposed to Israel’s settlement policy on
humanitarian and democratic grounds, I insist that the continuing occupation is
largely the result of Palestinian refusal to accept the reasonable compromises
offered by prime ministers Ehud Barak and Ehud Olmert.
Palestinians had been prepared to accept such reasonable compromises, the
occupation would end, as would the concerns over humanitarian and democratic
issues. The same might be true if the Palestinians were now prepared to
negotiate a two-state solution with no preconditions. At bottom,
therefore, this dispute is more about land than it is about human rights,
because the Palestinians can secure their human rights by being willing to
compromise over land, as the Jews did both in 1938, when they accepted the Peel
Commission Report, and in 1947, when they accepted the UN Partition
There have been better and worse presidents when it comes to
Israel. Some of the best have been Republicans, as have some of the worst. Some
of the best have been Democrats, as have been some of the worst. No president
has been perfect, and no president has been perfectly bad. (Though Dwight
D. Eisenhower may have come close.)
Most presidents have had mixed records,
generally supportive of Israel’s security. President Ronald Reagan, for
example, who is often put forward as the model of a pro-Israel president, voted
to condemn Israel for its entirely proper decision to bomb the Iraqi nuclear
reactor in 1981. President Jimmy Carter, who is put forward as the model
of an anti-Israel president, helped bring about a cold peace with
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The glory of American politics, with regard to support for
Israel’s security, is that over the years it has been largely
bipartisan. It remains so under President Barack Obama.
imperative that this election not be turned into a referendum over Israel’s
security in which a vote for the Republican candidate is seen as a vote in favor
of Israel’s security, while a vote for the Democratic candidate is seen as a
vote against Israel’s security. Such a perception could prove disastrous for
Israel since it is very possible – indeed, in my view, likely – that Obama will
be reelected, and that his reelection will not turn on differences between him
and Mitt Romney over Israel’s security.
That is why I am so concerned
about the approach taken by some, including my friend and former student Joel
Pollak, a Republican whose candidacy for Congress I enthusiastically supported
in 2010. They argue that every Jew who supports Israel must vote for Romney,
because Obama’s record on Israel is far from perfect.
When I decide whom
to vote for in a presidential election, I do not look for perfection. If I did,
I would have to stay home. I look for the better candidate based on a wide
variety of factors. For example, as a civil libertarian, I was distressed by
Bill Clinton’s regressive policies with regard to criminal justice. I strongly
opposed his “Don’t ask, don’t tell” policy.
I criticized his inaction in
Rwanda, and the lateness of his involvement in the former Yugoslavia. But I
voted for him enthusiastically because he was so much better than the two
candidates against whom he ran.
I remain critical of some of President
Obama’s policies, as I was of some of Gov. Romney’s policies when he led
my state of Massachusetts. But only when it comes to Israel and Obama does
perfection seem to be the test. This test of perfection is put forward largely
by Republicans who would never vote for Obama, regardless of his views on
There are, to be sure, some Democrats, and even some who voted
for Obama the first time, who are now prepared to shift allegiances because of
their disapproval of Obama’s Israeli policies. That is their prerogative in a
democracy. But those of us who have a different view should not be labeled as
anti-Israel or insufficiently supportive of Jewish values.
I approve of
Obama’s policies on the rights of women, gays and racial and religious
minorities. I support his healthcare bill, his approach to immigration and to
taxes, and his appointments to the Supreme Court. If I believed that his foreign
policies endangered Israel’s security, that would weigh heavily on my decision
on how to vote. But instead I believe that there would be no major differences
between a President Obama and a President Romney when it comes to Israel’s
I will continue to be critical of policies with which I
disagree and supportive of policies with which I agree, without regard to the
political affiliation of the president. I will vote for the presidential
candidate who I believe is best for America and for the world, and in making
that calculation I will consider their policies toward Israel because I believe
that strong support for Israel’s security is good for America and for the world.
And I will try my best to see that support for Israel’s security remains a
bipartisan issue, despite the well-intentioned but misguided efforts of some to
make such support a wedge issue and the election a referendum that Israel could
This is at least how I, as a liberal Democrat, think about the
coming election for president of the United States.The writer is a
Harvard law professor and political commentator.
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