Parallel to the popular revolutions in the Arab states there was a quiet
revolution in the Kurdish lands in Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran. In fact the
upheavals in the Arab world were a catalyst for things which had been brewing in
the Kurdish lands for two decades.
There are similarities and differences
between the Arab and the Kurdish revolutions. In the Arab case we are talking
about states while in the Kurdish case we are talking about a 30 million-strong
non-state entity and community in a state of political flux. In both the Arab
and Kurdish cases, breaking of barrier of fear played an important role in the
development of the movements, and in both cases popular power has played a
crucial role. The new media contributed immensely to the success of both, as
Likewise, as in the Arab world, among the Kurds, too, there is a
new generation, which may be called the “upright generation,” namely a
generation that has regained the Kurdish voice, attained visibility in the
international arena and is devoted to the Kurdish cause. Certainly the Kurdish
awakening was inspired in some parts of Kurdistan by the Arab one, however,
practically speaking it took completely different directions.
parallel timing helps to disguise deeper differences between the Arab and
While the Arab revolutions have challenged state
regimes, those of the Kurds are perceived as a challenge to the territorial
integrity and national identity of the state. This is true especially for the
Kurds in Iraq but it is becoming more and more the case for the Kurds in Syria
and to a lesser extent for Turkey and Iran as well.
The main cause for
this development is the bankruptcy of the notion of the nation-state. For the
Kurds the nation-state meant the effacing of their identity and their political
rights for the greater part of the 20th century, hence the backlash. The
weakening of the state versus society as it had occurred in most of the
countries of the region also played into the hands of the Kurds.
MAJOR difference between the Arab and Kurdish cases is that while in the Arab
states the revolutions bolstered the Islamic tendencies in society and granted
legitimacy to political Islam even in secular states such as Tunisia, in the
Kurdish case Islamism has not gained moral and political ground. Instead, the
ethno-national tendencies carried the day.
This divergence can be
explained by the well known fact that among the Kurds political Islam has never
put down deep roots. An illustration of this phenomenon are the results of the
democratic elections of July 2009 in the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in
Iraq in which the two Islamist parties won together merely nine out of 111 seats
in the parliament.
On another level, while the Arab revolutions brought
to the surface cracks and divisions in Arab societies, in the Kurdish case we
see an opposite trend, namely greater unity. Thus, if the beginning of the 20th
century witnessed the division of the Kurds into four states, after which ties
among the different communities were only randomly maintained, the beginning of
the 21st century and especially the latest upheavals have brought them
Furthermore, it opened the way for a certain Pan-Kurdism and
mitigated somewhat the chronic tendencies to tribalism, internal wars and
factionalism. On the whole, while the wars and upheavals in the 20th century
brought only catastrophes to the Kurds, the 2003 war and the upheavals in
2011-2012 have opened up new horizons. Similarly, the image of backwardness,
passiveness and lethargy that stuck to them for generations has given room to a
much more assertive and astute one.
In spite of the fact that the Kurds
live in four different countries there is contagious effect, mutual influence
and synergy between all four. The transnational movement has gathered momentum
thanks to the geopolitical changes in the region, the greater assertiveness of
the Kurds, the crucial role of the diaspora, the new media and most importantly
the de facto state, the Kurdistan Regional government, which has become the
magnet and the model for all the Kurds.
Indeed, the concept of Kurdistan
underwent important transformations. While in the past localism of each part was
the order of the day, now Greater Kurdistan becomes part and parcel of the new
For the new generation the center is no longer the
state but Greater Kurdistan. This is illustrated in such terminology which
refers to the communities not according to their states but to their parts in a
Kurdistani unit. Thus, North refers to Kurdistan in Turkey, South Kurdistan to
Iraq, East Kurdistan to Iran and West Kurdistan to Syria.
panoramic overview I would like to look briefly at each of the Kurdish regions
separately. The repercussions on the KRG are immense, although there was no
revolution there modeled on the Arab ones. The developments in the Middle East
catapulted the KRG to the position of the actual leader of the other parts of
Kurdistan. The KRG’s pivotal role is evident in the conferences it holds where
Kurds from all parts of Kurdistan and the world at large participate; in the
bases it provides to political groups and the refuge it grants to fleeing Kurds;
and finally in its becoming the Mecca for political parties which come for
support, consultation or mediation.
The fact that the KRG remained an
island of stability and prosperity won it greater legitimacy in the world,
especially against the background of the instability in Iraq and the tectonic
changes in the region.
All this increased its political maneuverability
vis-a-vis its neighbors and forced it hand with regard to Baghdad.
real revolution took place among the Kurds of Syria who were until quite lately
a silent minority, insulated from the rest of the world. Many analysts doubted
that such a community, fragmented politically and geographically and which
moreover lacked the natural gift of impregnable mountains enjoyed by the other
parts of Kurdistan, could indeed muster the power to play any important role in
the Kurdish scene.
And yet the unbelievable happened. Within a short
while the Kurds of Syria turned into a player to be reckoned with.
did this come about? The fact that the Kurds of Syria reside in the geographical
and political periphery only helped them to take the initiative, far from the
watching eyes of the government and the other opposition parties. The Assad
regime’s struggle for survival forced him to turn a blind eye to developments in
the Kurdish region and even to turn the Kurds into an ally of sorts against the
other parts of the opposition. The close ties between the Turkish PKK and the
Syrian PYD were further cemented by the souring relations between Damascus and
Ankara, pushing Damascus to employ both the PKK and PYD against its short-lived
ally. However, the main fuel for the Kurdish movement was years of assimilation,
Arabization and the effacing of Kurdish identity, in the double sense of the
The developments among the Kurds of Syria had immediate impact on
the KRG and especially on the Kurds of Turkey. The fact that the Kurds of Syria
managed to take control of the Kurdish towns and villages in the Syrian north
opened for the KRG a new horizon never before dreamt of, namely the possibility
of reaching out to the Mediterranean Sea via Kurdistan in Syria. For a
landlocked region this could be an important step toward
FOR THE Kurds of Turkey, the contagious effect of the “Arab
Spring,” especially in Syria, was crucial, as it has impacted the Kurds in
Turkey on three different levels. First, the AKP’s vigorous anti-Assad campaign
and its support to the Syrian opposition moved Assad to renew his support to the
PKK as a quid pro quo. Second, the bolstering of the Syrian Kurds’ position as a
result of their takeover of the Kurdish regions in Syria and their demands for a
federative system became a source of emulation for the Kurds of Turkey. Third,
the border between Turkish and Syrian Kurds became porous, thus strengthening
cross-border influences between the two communities.
The most important
turn of events among the Kurds in Turkey was the solidification of their
movement into two wings: the military and political-popular one.
the takeover of the Kurdish region in Syria, the PKK escalated significantly its
attacks against Turkish targets. Concurrently, popular resistance a la
Ghandistyle led by the PKK and the BDP were reinforced in various forms. These
included sit-in demonstrations by mothers whose sons had disappeared, civic
Friday prayers in Kurdish conducted in the streets, boycotts of parliament
sessions and government mosques and the latest move, the hunger strike by
hundreds of Kurdish prisoners.
All this amounted to a severe challenge to
the AKP government which has promised time and again to find a peaceful solution
to the problem. Ironically, however, under the AKP governments the Kurdish issue
became multi-dimensional, full of paradoxes and much more complicated than at
any time in the past.
Concerning the Kurds of Iran, it appears as if the
upheavals in the region have bypassed them. In fact since the brutal suppression
of their uprising during the early years of the Islamic Republic (1979-1983) the
Kurds of Iran have continued to oppose the Iranian regimes in various periods,
with changing intensity.
And even though they appear to have been
politically dormant in the past few years, they have the potential to become a
dynamo for deep changes in Iran itself as well as in the other Kurdish regions.
They are only waiting for a trigger.
TO SUM up, the past hundred years
were perhaps the worst in Kurdish history, including division among different
states, campaigns of assimilation and even genocide. But the 21st century
heralds new and better things. The Kurds have regained their voice, identity and
visibility in the world. Furthermore, the upheavals in the Arab world catapulted
them into an important player in the region capable of reshaping its
geo-strategic map. If we add to this that in the 21st century the sacred cows of
nation-states have lost some of their sacredness, then the Kurds have some hope
for optimism and a better future.
The writer is a professor at the Moshe
Dayan Center for Middle East and African Studies. She is the author of the
recently published book The Kurds of Iraq: Building a State within a State.