The Knesset adjourns this week for its summer break, lasting nearly three months, through the Sukkot holiday. During this time, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu enjoys more room to maneuver without immediate parliamentary scrutiny or threats to coalition stability. That quiet could prove crucial.
The Knesset’s summer recess is more than just a legislative pause for Netanyahu. It marks a rare political opportunity—one that could be critical for brokering a hostage deal and navigating a solution to the haredi draft law crisis.
Historically, Israeli leaders have used recess periods to execute sensitive moves. In 2010, Netanyahu delayed announcing a freeze on settlement construction until after the summer recess, easing tensions with right-wing coalition partners while laying groundwork for talks with the Palestinians. A similar tactic may be in play now.
By law, the Knesset doesn’t convene during recess unless a special session is called. No bills are advanced, and no government-overthrow attempts can be made through regular channels. Even key committees operate in a scaled-back format.
That means even if Netanyahu's coalition partners, such as ministers Itamar Ben-Gvir or Bezalel Smotrich, seek to express outrage at his political moves, they will not be able to immediately topple the government or act to dissolve it through routine parliamentary means. Any such move, if relevant, will have to wait until the end of the recess.
This political timeout allows Netanyahu to focus on the ongoing hostage negotiations in Doha. If a deal materializes during the recess, it would trigger a proposed 60-day ceasefire and negotiations aimed at ending the war. Conveniently, that timeframe aligns with the length of the break—an opportunity that Netanyahu may view as a unique diplomatic opening.
Smotrich could label any agreement a “surrender,” and Ben-Gvir might threaten to quit. But during the recess, those objections can’t translate into parliamentary action. That delay buys Netanyahu time to finalize and implement any deal.
Quiet at home, tensions within
Back home, Netanyahu also faces the resurgence of another deeply divisive issue: the haredi draft law. Though not an immediate threat to the coalition, it remains a flashpoint.
Earlier this month, the ultra-Orthodox Shas Party pulled a political stunt—announcing its resignation from the government without actually leaving the coalition. The move preserved the coalition’s majority while signaling dissatisfaction with the government.
Now, Netanyahu’s aides are working behind the scenes to devise a plan that satisfies Haredi demands without alienating secular or right-wing Likud voters.
The options on the table include a non-binding principles document containing symbolic recruitment goals and minimal penalties, a “bypass committee” tasked with drafting a compromise, a phased law that postpones sanctions for several months while giving parties time to negotiate, and attempting to sway Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee Chairman Yuli Edelstein by proposing a “respectable” draft framework—one that appears firm in principle but flexible in practice.
Netanyahu is known for deferring decisions rather than resolving disputes. The Knesset recess provides him with a temporary freeze—a chance to stall a coalition breakdown and buy time to engineer a compromise.
If he succeeds, he may return in the fall with a working coalition and a breakthrough on both diplomatic and domestic fronts. If not, the cracks within the government could quickly widen.