It's time to say bye-bye to Bibi - opinion

Bibi has never met a president he couldn’t piss off or talk down to, Republican or Democrat. And that goes for British prime ministers, French presidents and German chancellors as well.

 US PRESIDENT Joe Biden and First Lady Dr. Jill Biden attend a Women’s History Month reception at the White House last month. Even the first lady is said to be pushing the president to lean harder on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the writer notes. (photo credit: KEVIN LAMARQUE/REUTERS)
US PRESIDENT Joe Biden and First Lady Dr. Jill Biden attend a Women’s History Month reception at the White House last month. Even the first lady is said to be pushing the president to lean harder on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the writer notes.
(photo credit: KEVIN LAMARQUE/REUTERS)

Joe Biden finally had his “come to Jesus” talk with Bibi Netanyahu.

The Israeli prime minister seemed – “seemed,” because it’s too early to know for sure – to have been listening to the increasingly exasperated president of the United States this time, speeding up delivery of humanitarian relief and removing the bulk of his ground forces from southern Gaza, where he is threatening a massive assault on Rafah.

But it may be too little, too late – and there’s little historical evidence that Netanyahu has any serious interest in cooperation with American presidents, especially Democratic ones. The prime minister says he still wants to attack the city, where Hamas leaders and top commanders are believed to be hiding deep in their tunnels safely beneath a million or so vulnerable Palestinian human shields suffering in fear and hunger.

Hamas quickly declared victory on news of the Israeli deployment – “rest and regroup,” is the official IDF explanation – claiming it had liberated Rafah. Each side has its own definition of victory. Netanyahu said Israel’s goal is to destroy the terror organization politically and militarily; he’s nowhere near that and unlikely to get there. It’s much simpler for Hamas. All it needs is for top leaders like Yahya Sinwar and a few thousand of his fighters to survive the Israeli onslaught. And they still hold dozens of Israeli hostages.

Bibi should be able to relate to that. He’s a hostage himself, a prisoner of the extreme right-wing coalition partners he welcomed into his government, who he fears more than Hamas because they can take away his power at any moment. Their plan for Gaza is to drive out the Palestinians and build Jewish settlements, not unlike what they’re doing on the West Bank with punitive policies, land grabs, settler violence and Netanyahu’s indulgence.

 Benjamin Netanyahu  (credit: MENAHEM KAHANA/POOL VIA REUTERS)
Benjamin Netanyahu (credit: MENAHEM KAHANA/POOL VIA REUTERS)

The killing of World Central Kitchen volunteers by Israeli drones has had a devastating impact. Even First Lady Jill Biden is said to be pushing her husband to lean harder on Bibi, as are growing numbers of Israel’s best friends on Capitol Hill.

And when you lose the highest elected Jewish official in American history, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer – as well as former Speaker Nancy Pelosi and several Jewish lawmakers – you’re in trouble. Former defense secretary and White House chief of staff Leon Panetta called the Israelis trigger happy. In his experience, he told CNN, “The Israelis usually fire and then ask questions.”

MANY OF Biden’s supporters here, worried about a tottering American democracy, fear he is sacrificing his presidency in service of Netanyahu and Israel. No president came to office with a stronger record of support for the Jewish state, a deeper personal commitment and a greater knowledge of the issues than Biden. His dramatic and unprecedented trip to Jerusalem to reassure Israelis of full American support in the days after the October 7 massacre was from the heart.

That only makes it more difficult to understand why Bibi lectures Biden, snubs him, derides him, ignores him and then expects full and unquestioning support.

Bibi has never met a president he couldn’t piss off or talk down to, Republican or Democrat. And that goes for British prime ministers, French presidents and German chancellors as well. One thing those leaders share is a deep distrust of the Israeli premier.

He may have felt untouchable by presidents because he was protected by wall-to-wall bipartisan support in the Congress and the pro-Israel lobby. No longer. The AIPAC lobby has lost much of its clout, notably among Democrats, when it turned to the Right and began endorsing election deniers. There has been a steady erosion for some time among Democrats, the party supported by three-fourths of our Jewish voters. And deep divisions, present even before October 7, may be growing exponentially in the Jewish community, thanks to Israel’s conduct in the Gaza war.

Netanyahu’s plunges into US partisan politics and his role in the GOP opposition to the Obama-Biden nuclear agreement were corrosive enough, but the corrosion reached new depths over the past year with the prime minister’s assault on Israeli democracy by trying to overthrow the independent judiciary. Hundreds of thousands of Israelis took to the streets every week to protest the judicial coup, stopping only after October 7. They’re back now and demanding that Netanyahu step down and call new elections.

US-Israel relations have plunged to historic depths – and the bottom may not yet be in sight. It is said that when you find yourself in a hole, stop digging. Many have told this to Bibi, but he shows no signs of listening.

He resists serious preparation for postwar relations with the Palestinians despite the urgings of the American government, European allies and new Arab partners.

FAMILIES OF the hostages complain that he is more concerned with killing Arabs than saving Jews. Actually, saving his own job comes first – and staying out of prison. He is on trial for charges of fraud, bribery and breach of trust – enough reason for an honorable person to step down and deal with it all as a private citizen. But not if he can use his Knesset allies to change the law and drop the charges.

Netanyahu has obscured the October 7 massacre memory from many

Netanyahu has done what should have been unimaginable – obscure the memory of the October 7 massacre for many. He has shifted global focus to the tens of thousands of Palestinian civilian casualties from Israeli bombs and artillery, sparking a worldwide avalanche of outrage directed at Israel.

He has done what no Arab enemy or antisemite could ever have hoped to achieve. The US-Israel relationship has been greatly damaged on his watch and it is doubtful it can be restored to pre-Netanyahu levels.

The more he helps relations with Washington deteriorate, the more Hamas senses victory, ups its demands and keeps its hostages.

The prime minister has been complaining to his Republican friends in Washington about how badly Biden is treating him. You can read it in the social media postings and legislation they’re producing, including a resolution expected from the House GOP this week denouncing Biden for pressuring Israel.

Prime minister Yitzhak Shamir was defeated in 1992 by Yitzhak Rabin largely over his failed stewardship of the American portfolio. That is certain to be an issue in the next Israeli election.

The first step in recovery is restoring trust, and that means it cannot begin until Netanyahu and his extremist anti-democratic coalition is replaced by a government of national – and international – healing. If there is one thing both Biden and Donald Trump agree on it is that neither trusts Netanyahu. Former Republican congressman and now MSNBC host Joe Scarborough said it well: “If we’re going to guarantee Israel’s existence, then we need a responsible partner.”

The battle against Hamas is a just war that Netanyahu has managed to mishandle so badly that he made Gazans look like victims and Israel the heartless aggressor – and brought down on the Jewish state international condemnation, isolation and damaged relations with its most important ally.

Israel needs new elections and new leaders now. It can’t afford to wait.

The writer is a Washington-based journalist, consultant, lobbyist, and former American Israel Public Affairs Committee legislative director.