“If all time is eternally present, all time is unredeemable.” – T. S. Eliot, Burnt Norton

Whatever its ongoing strategic and tactical challenges, Israel will need aptly nuanced understandings of time. This means more than refining traditional defense-community notions of “clock time” – for example, notions about “time-remaining” to avoid a nuclear conflict. In essence, what should be examined by Jerusalem are the jihadi enemy's ideas of “sacred time.”

There is a dilemma, however. Though Israel lives according to clock time, its jihadi adversaries (state and sub-state terror groups) regard such mechanistic chronology as a theological profanation. The conceptual differences could have major policy implications for the Jewish state’s management of war and terror.

To dedicated policy-makers, all this will sound excruciatingly theoretical. Nonetheless, the clarifying bifurcation is crucial to supporting Israel’s survival. To wit, jihadi notions of “sacred time” actively encourage “martyrdom operations.”

Notions of time

This enabling linkage portends escalating violence against Israel. Plausibly, “over time,” it could even increase various risks of a nuclear war. Even before Israel would have to face operational nuclear adversaries, Jerusalem could find itself caught up in an “asymmetrical nuclear war.” The fact that only Israel would employ nuclear ordnance in such a conflict does not mean that it would avoid significant military harm.

An artistic 3D illustration of an apocalyptic scenario, possibly showing doomsday as a result of nuclear war.
An artistic 3D illustration of an apocalyptic scenario, possibly showing doomsday as a result of nuclear war. (credit: INGIMAGE)

There is more. A state enemy could become a “suicide bomber in macrocosm.” For Israel, no such force magnification could be considered “acceptable.” Not to be minimized or overlooked in such sui generis calculations is that Israel is less than half the size of America’s Lake Michigan.

For Jerusalem, policy-relevant issues should always be framed in legal and military terms. Though generally unrecognized, Israel’s jihadi adversaries (a category that now includes reconfiguring terror groups in Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, Iraq, Qatar, and other places) define true victory as “power over death.” For these recalcitrant foes, becoming a “martyr” (a shahid) represents “power over time.” Prima facie, there could be no comparable or greater form of power.

Because “clocks slay time” – a famous observation by American writer William Faulkner – a narrowly objective chronology would prove injurious for Israel. But what should constitute a suitably personalized and policy-centered theory of time for policy makers in Jerusalem? It’s a demanding but imperative question.

Notions of time in history

In reply, history will deserve pride of place. By helpful coincidence, the complex notion of temporality being “felt time” or “subjective time” has its origins in ancient Israel. By rejecting time as a linear progression, the early Hebrews generally approached this key issue as a qualitative experience. Among other things, the associated view identified time as logically inseparable from personally infused content.

In terms of prospective nuclear threats from certain prospective adversaries, Israeli planners should consider chronology at the level of individual decision-makers. For example, what do authoritative enemy leaders think about time in shaping their operational military plans? For Israeli leaders, there could be no more urgent question.

There is more. From its beginnings, the Jewish prophetic vision was one of an imperiled community living “in time.” Within this formative vision, political geography or “space” was vitally important, but not because of territoriality.

The importance of certain specific geographic spaces stemmed from unique events that had presumptively taken place within their boundaries. Eventually, a subjective metaphysics of time, a reality based not on equally numbered chronological moments, but on deeply-felt representations of “time as lived,” could impact the ways in which jihadi enemies choose to confront the Jewish state and wherein Israel decides to confront these enemies.

Final analysis for Israel

In the final analysis, a worst-case scenario for Israel would be to confront an already-nuclear and seemingly irrational enemy state. Any such adversary could reasonably be described as a suicide bomber in macrocosm. Even worse, Jerusalem could simultaneously need to deal with an actual suicide bomber in microcosm, i.e., the individual “flesh-and-blood” jihadi terrorist.

What else should Israel know about time? Among Islamists at every level, “martyrdom” is accepted as the most honorable and heroic way to soar above clock time or “profane time.” Looked at from a dispassionate perspective, this “suicide” is accepted by jihadists as the optimal way to both sanitize barbarism and justify mass murder of “unbelievers.” Ironically, because such self-sacrifice is expected to confer “power over death,” it does not really qualify as a suicide. Jurisprudentially, it is always an inexcusable homicide.

It’s time for conclusions. From the standpoint of Israel’s most urgent survival concerns, the time-sensitive adversary could be an individual jihadi terrorist, a sovereign enemy state, or both acting together. In the third scenario, the effects of a state-terrorist fusion could be not merely interactive, but also “synergistic.” This would mean that a “whole” injury inflicted upon Israel would be greater than the sum of its “parts.”

The prospective dangers to Israel of any such unprecedented synergy would be most catastrophic if the pertinent enemy state were nuclear or soon-to-be nuclear.

Sometimes, the strategist can learn from the poet. For T.S. Eliot, “…all time is unredeemable.” With this insight in mind, an immediate goal for Israel’s defense policy planners should be a fuller understanding of the nation’s jihadi enemies “in time.” Though generally overlooked, such explicit temporal understanding would be crucial to effective counter-terrorism and successful nuclear war-avoidance.

The author is an emeritus professor of international law at Purdue University and has written many major books and articles dealing with war, terrorism, and international law. Chair of Project Daniel (Israel, PM Sharon, 2003-2004), he has lectured widely at Israeli military and intelligence venues, including the IDF National Security College. His twelfth book is Surviving Amid Chaos: Israel’s Nuclear Strategy (2016) (2nd, ed. 2018).