Voices From The Arab Press: Women's rights and privileges

I was not surprised by the recent statements made by the grand imam of Al-Azhar on his Facebook page about women’s rights. In his post, Sheikh Ahmed Mohamed Ahmed El-Tayeb outlined women’s equal rights in various realms, including employment, marriage, and inheritance. The sheikh of Al-Azhar declared that a woman has the right to travel without a male guardian when it is safe to travel and by means of travel that do not expose her to danger. When asked about the hadith in which the Prophet Muhammad, may God’s prayers and peace be upon him, said that it is impermissible for a woman who believes in God to embark on a journey on her own, the grand imam explained that the conditions of the modern era cannot be equated to the conditions that prevailed when these rulings were first made, when it was unsafe for women to travel. 

Then the sheikh of Al-Azhar also emphasized the right of women to assume any professional position that suits them, including in the judicial field. He also condemned arbitrary divorce and protected a woman’s right to choose her spouse, as long as that spouse can sufficiently provide for her. It is curious that the grand imam has now come out against a strict reading of hadiths and proposed a more lax interpretation of the prophet’s sayings. I wonder what the sheikh would say about his very own statement from just a year ago, in which he permitted the use of physical violence to discipline women. At that time, I responded to the sheikh’s statement in an article titled “Who said God commanded the beating of women?” There, I laid out how the verdict stood in contradiction to the linguistic interpretation of the Quran, which opposes this kind of behavior.

 But at that time, the idea of giving religious texts a modern interpretation – and surely the idea of shying away from hadiths – seemed totally unfathomable. Today, things have changed. The grand imam’s post is not entirely surprising, given the fact that the Saudi crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, just recently appeared on television and spoke of moderation in the application and interpretation of Islamic laws. During his interview, the crown prince emphasized the importance of interpreting the Quran in ways that meet today’s world, eliminating the historic reliance on many hadiths. 

– Nashwa Al-Hawfa

Given recent transformations taking place in the region related to the American effort to reach a new agreement with Iran, Arab-American relations need a deep reassessment. This reassessment must go beyond simply talking about extended partnerships, strategic cooperation, and the bilateral and multilateral alliances that have ruled relations for many years. The need for review also comes in light of the efforts of some countries in the region, including Israel, to address security developments in their broader, regional context rather than at the state level. In short, the US and the Arab world need to work on building a real strategic dialogue that covers all issues – including those that have been too sensitive to discuss to date.

We must launch a bolder dialogue between the two sides: a dialogue that identifies the most important points of agreement and monitors the most important areas of conflict, which are not limited to regional threats but extend to working together to confront new challenges in the region, including the coronavirus crisis, and the potential for renewed waves of extremism and terrorism. Still, it’s important to remember that the Arab world can take a more proactive role in this regard by initiating a dialogue that focuses on the nature of America’s relations with the countries of the region, based on common interests. Furthermore, we must adopt a single Arab position – shared by leading countries like Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Egypt – on key regional issues, especially as Iran and its proxies in the region, including Turkey, work to consolidate their positions and grow their power.

 – Tariq Fahmy

Egypt, in its geopolitical position, is the center of three circles, as defined by Abdel Nasser: the Arab circle, the Islamic circle, and the African circle. This positioning hasn’t been disputed since the revolution of July 23, 1952. Egypt is also the homeland that the Egyptian people have been associated with since ancient times. It is one of the oldest human civilizations and it has been the clashing ground for many foreign empires. It witnessed invasions from the northeast (the Arabs), from the north (the Greeks and Romans), and from the south (Sudan and Abyssinia). Therefore, isolating Egypt from its surroundings is a fatal act – both for Egypt and its surrounding nations. 

This was the goal of colonialism, which sought to marginalize Egypt and detach it from its circles of power. But Egypt is like a heart pumping blood into the organs; it is crucial for the survival of the countries that depend on it. The strength of Egypt depends on the extent to which it carries out its responsibilities in these three circles. In many ways, Egypt’s role in its Arab and Islamic circles is akin to Germany’s role in Europe or America’s role across the Atlantic: It is a center of gravity for the entire region. Therefore, Cairo’s policy has always been positive neutrality and nonalignment. Egypt embodies patriotism, pan-Arabism, and Islamism as interconnected and equal parts of its national identity. It has also played its role in supporting national liberation movements across the Middle East, including in Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, and Yemen. Thanks to Egypt, the Middle East went through a process of Arabization. If you look at reform movements throughout the region, you will most certainly trace back many of them to Egypt. Therefore, maintaining power in these three circles is not only important to Egypt but also beneficial for the region.

 – Hassan Hanafi

Benjamin Netanyahu is an Israeli figure more than a party politician. He is the first person who was able to rule Israel for more than two decades [sic. Netanyahu has served as prime minister for about 15 years.] He devised ruthless methods of beating his adversaries. He turned the Right into the dominant political bloc in Israel. He lived in the United States and established close relations with a wide spectrum of politicians and lobby groups and was able to penetrate the most exclusive political decision-making circles, including in Congress. When former US president Barack Obama wanted to tame Netanyahu and impose his vision on him, Netanyahu headed directly to Congress, where he received more than 20 standing ovations during his remarks.

During his time in politics, Netanyahu managed to secure the premiership even when his party, Likud, failed to win the parliamentary majority it had hoped for. In his battles that took place both inside and outside the Knesset, Netanyahu was able to destroy Israel’s leftist parties such as Labor and Meretz and nearly sent them into oblivion. Netanyahu has transformed the Likud into his own political property, directing it as he pleases. Today, Netanyahu fears one thing and one thing only: finding himself indicted like his predecessor, Ehud Olmert. But just like in so many scenarios in the past, every time Netanyahu’s metaphoric hourglass seems to reach its end, he manages to pull something out of his sleeve.

For the first time in its history, Israel has gone through four parliamentary elections within two years. This is a direct result of Netanyahu’s effort to restart his hourglass: He monopolizes the leadership of the government and forms coalitions that can be dismantled whenever it opposes his policies. Even today, after failing to form a government yet again, Netanyahu will not hesitate to push for a fifth or sixth election in order to protect himself from imprisonment. He will flip his hourglass over just to buy himself more time. 

Netanyahu has become synonymous with the Likud and the Likud has become synonymous with Netanyahu, to a point where his departure from politics could lead to the downfall of the party. Benjamin Netanyahu will not hesitate to mobilize hardline Israelis of all sects, as well as the settlers, to wage his battle with them against the establishment of any government coalition that might topple him. For him, the only thing that could put an end to his endless hourglass is the prison cell. He will therefore fight his last existential battle with all the weapons available at his disposal, including a full-fledged war in Gaza and the West Bank. The coming days will be decisive in determining Netanyahu’s political future: He will either be stopped and removed from power or will continue to govern Israel for many more years to come.