Protests are spreading across Iran, demanding regime change. The inflation rate is around 50%, but the salaries have not increased. Unemployment is at a record high. The average Iranian is living beneath the poverty line, struggling to buy basic proteins.
However, Iran’s ethnic minority groups – whether Azerbaijani, Kurdish, Ahwazi Arabs, Baloch, or Turkmen – are not joining the protesters in large numbers. On the surface, it does not make sense, since regions such as Balochistan, Kurdistan, South Azerbaijan, and Arab Khuzestan suffer from high unemployment, vast poverty, environmental degradation, and the same high inflation rate as the rest of the country. In fact, they suffer even more from it than the average Persian does.
Iran colonized not only South Azerbaijan but also Kurdistan, Balochistan, and Khuzestan. For decades, the ethnic regions have been economically repressed, with their vast natural resources being depleted by the regime while the local indigenous population was left destitute.
“South Azerbaijan occupies a pivotal position not only due to its geography but also because of its rich natural resources, including substantial reserves of copper, gold, molybdenum, iron ore, rare minerals, fertile agricultural lands, freshwater assets, and significant energy potential, Javad Abbassi noted. “These resources have long been extracted by the central state without local consent or equitable reinvestment, reinforcing patterns of internal colonialism.”
Aside from the economic issue, the Iranian regime has systematically discriminated against Iran’s ethnic minorities for decades. It has deprived them of the right to study and work in their mother tongue and has arrested, executed, tortured, raped, and systematically oppressed them.
Nevertheless, Persian political theorist Reza Parchizadeh stressed that one of the main reasons Iran’s ethnic minorities have not joined these protests is that they were initiated in Tehran with chants in support of Reza Pahlavi.
“This is deeply problematic for many ethnic minorities, whose ancestors were suppressed in different ways under the rule of his father and grandfather. Moreover, much of Pahlavi’s current support base is itself hostile to ethnic minority claims and demands, which further alienates these communities.”
Reza Pahlavi attempted to ride wave of protests
Sirwan Mansouri, a Kurdish journalist based in Canada, concurred: “The primary reason for the lack of broad participation by Iran’s ethnic communities – Kurds, [Balochis], Turks, and Arabs – in the recent protests can be traced to a single key factor: From the very outset, Pahlavi attempted to ride the wave of the protests. With the assistance of television networks such as Iran International and Manoto, along with dubbed videos, fabricated clips, and staged content produced to promote him, he sought to divert the course of the protests and turn them into personal publicity.”
South Azerbaijani dissident journalist Ahmet Obali also noted that, in addition to Pahlavi, the People’s Mujahideen Group (MEK) has also called on Iranians to go out and protest. These are key factors in discouraging Iran’s ethnic minorities from joining the demonstrations.
Obali noted that when Vadood Asady and Tahir Naghavi, two outspoken Azerbaijani activists, were handed down long-term prison sentences in Evin Prison and went on hunger strike, it was another outspoken Azerbaijani activist, Abbas Lesani – who had spent over 15 years in prison – who organized a hunger strike outside the prison in solidarity.
According to Obali, “None of the Persian outlets covered their story, and none of the Persian prisoners joined them. It is like, if you are an ethnic minority, go die. In the end, Lesani was arrested in front of Evin Prison, beaten up badly, and spent a couple of weeks in IRGC custody. They wanted to break his back and neck. His back is badly damaged. He can barely stand up. He is in Evin Prison now, and the Persian media is not covering this story.”
However, Obali is opposed to Iran’s ethnic minorities mostly staying home, stressing that even if the Pahlavis and MEK are out on the street chanting slogans that Iran’s ethnic minorities do not like, it behooves those minorities to join them – and give voice to their own slogans.
“Being passive is going to backfire on Azerbaijanis,” Obali said. “We must determine the best way to continue; 90% of the Azerbaijani leadership in Iran is in jail.”
He stressed that now is a historic opportunity to topple the Iranian regime following the 12-Day War: “Iran’s economy has not been worse than now, nor has the regime been as weak as it is now... Iran’s proxies are in limbo, [and its] air force is almost non-existent. They are struggling to retrain quality commanders. They have not yet replaced the nuclear scientists that they lost...”
“The damage done to nuclear sites is very severe, and their nuclear activity is almost zero,” Obali added. If there is a time to topple this regime, it is now. Therefore, it is pivotal that Pahlavi and the MEK be sidelined for the protests to have a chance of success.
The writer is the CEO of the Dona Gracia Center for Diplomacy and an Israel-based journalist. She is the author of Women and Jihad: Debating Palestinian Female Suicide Bombings in the American, Israeli, and Arab Media.