President Donald Trump now speaks of a “golden era” for the Middle East. The phrase, delivered while standing in Riyadh, was not rhetorical flourish. It reflected a rapidly shifting regional reality: Iran is weakened, proxies are exposed and diminished politically and militarily, Syria has a new government, Saudi Arabia is asserting new leadership, and the appetite for a long-term regional political and security framework is growing. Israelis and Palestinians remain engulfed in a cycle of loss and trauma reminiscent of past horrors. His framing may have been provocative, but it points to something real. Conditions are converging. There is appetite, even urgency, for resolution.

But Israelis remain in denial about one central truth, a truth their Arab counterparts already accept: no regional order will hold without resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

I said so clearly, as a Palestinian invited to address the Knesset at the Official Launch of the Caucus for the Advancement of a Regional Security Arrangement. I accepted the invitation not only as an international expert and despite being a Palestinian woman from Nablus, but precisely because of it. I addressed the Knesset to make a case: that this moment, for all its pain, suffering, and uncertainty, offers a narrow but strategic opportunity. But only if it is seized with clarity and courage.

Why Arab states are done waiting

For key Arab states, solving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and realizing Palestinians’ aspirations for self-determination is no longer a moral or diplomatic imperative alone. It is a national security imperative.

Their calculus is shaped by three urgent dynamics:

IDF soldiers operating throughout the Gaza Strip, July 9, 2025.
IDF soldiers operating throughout the Gaza Strip, July 9, 2025. (credit: IDF SPOKESPERSON'S UNIT)
  1. Public sentiment. Arab populations view Gaza and the West Bank not as distant issues but as visceral injustices.
  2. Palestinian and Israeli trauma and Arab rage. I fully understand the raw pain of October 7 following the horrible massacre and the hostage crisis. I also see what the world sees, and I know what Palestinians and Arab publics feel. Twenty-one months of tragedies and humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza, and escalating settler violence accompanied by dehumanizing rhetoric after decades of occupation and indignity in the West Bank. That is the public mood in the region. It is not the same as the mood when the Abraham Accords were reached.
  3. Regional destabilization. Extremist actors and proxies feed on the unresolved status quo. So too does the rise of Israeli extremism. It is not just an internal issue, but a regional destabilizer.

The challenge is not lack of feasibility or blueprints. It is whether leadership, Israeli, Palestinian, international, and regional has the courage and strategic foresight to seize this moment of historic opportunity and prevent a return to the October 6 reality, to an unsustainable and dangerous status quo.

The kind of statesmanship that recognizes that a demilitarized Palestinian state living in peace and stability next to Israel is a security imperative for Israel, as it is a self-determination and dignity imperative for Palestinians. That it is a question of transactional self-interest, a key to unlocking a new era of regional integration and prosperity.

This is not a reward to Hamas as many Israelis claim, just as strengthening the PA and reining in annexation is not a concession. It is a strategic move to usher in a new era of long-term security and prosperity for the region.

A window is open. Just barely

President Trump wants to usher in a new era of stability and economic prosperity in the Middle East. He is right, but the "how" needs to learn from past mistakes and usher in an era of conflict resolution rather than management.

The European Union, Arab states, and the global alliance are aligning around a sequenced package. This includes credible and reformed Palestinian governance, regional oversight and involvement in Gaza reconstruction, and security guarantees for Israel.

On the PA front: In his recent letter to French President Emmanuel Macron and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, President Abbas laid out a comprehensive and strategic position that should be taken seriously by all parties. The letter outlines five concrete commitments:

  1. A clear condemnation of the October 7 attacks and a formal call for the release of all hostages.
  2. A commitment that Hamas will no longer rule Gaza and that its weapons will be handed over to the Palestinian Security Forces.
  3. A pledge to undertake institutional reform of the Palestinian Authority, with preparation for elections.
  4. Acceptance of international oversight, both for post-war stabilization in Gaza and to accompany PA reforms and public accountability.
  5. Acceptance of deployment of international forces, in partnership with the PSF, to stabilize Gaza, support disarmament, and prevent the return of militia control.

In contrast, and instead of engaging this path, some Israeli ministers are actively undermining the PA, withholding tax revenues, blocking financial transfers, and dismantling the only pragmatic Palestinian partner that still exists, further entangling and destabilizing the West Bank.

The PA is not perfect. Palestinians demand reform too. But without it without a functioning moderate institution recognized by both Palestinians and the world, that has engaged in security and civilian coordination there will be no moderate counterweight to extremism. No viable path forward.

Five steps to a durable deal: A political package 

In response to this historic inflection point, the Uniting for a Shared Future coalition, which we are proud to convene, bringing together 450 Israeli and Palestinian pragmatic leaders, has developed a clear and implementable political package and roadmap which we presented to international and regional leaders and actors. It rests on five pillars:

A regional diplomatic track, anchored in US, Arab, and European engagement.

An explicit political horizon that realizes Israeli and Palestinian desire for separation and self-determination through the establishment of an independent and non-militarized Palestinian state.

Stabilization of Gaza’s security environment through international and regional mechanisms.

A reformed Palestinian Authority governance with regional support and involvement, with a mandate to govern both the West Bank and Gaza.

A firm rejection of unilateral actions that undermine any political process, including de jure and de facto annexation and terrorism.

This plan reflects what is politically possible, regionally supported, and security-driven.

Containment has failed. Try courage

So the question is not whether the contours of a viable political solution exist. They do. The question is whether leaders in the region, will seize it before the window closes.

We can default back to the failed logic of containment, which, as we have seen, always ends in escalation, loss, more trauma, and tragedy for both our peoples.

Or we can choose something radically different.

A new doctrine. One that complements security doctrines with diplomacy. One that replaces crisis management with long-term strategy. One that replaces passivity with leadership.

A future where Israelis are anchored regionally, Palestinians are free from occupation. And our children inherit security, not trauma.

I say this as a Palestinian. One who carries the weight of loss, of occupation, and war. But also the hope that this moment can be different.

I speak to propose a path forward. One that secures Israel’s long-term security, affirms Palestinian dignity and self-determination, and anchors our region in a new logic: shared interest, shared security, and a shared future.

Hiba Qasas is the founding executive director of the Principles for Peace Foundation, a think-and-do tank based in Geneva that tracks the quality and trajectory of peace and security engagements across 56 countries. A Palestinian from Nablus, she has spent two decades working in and on some of the world’s most complex conflict zones in various leadership positions in the United Nations. She co-convenes discreet Track II dialogue platforms and leads the Uniting for a Shared Future coalition, bringing together over 450 Israeli and Palestinian leaders to advance a pragmatic, regionally supported political and security framework.