“Love thy neighbor – but don’t pull down your hedge,” Benjamin Franklin once wrote. In this part of the world, Israel has long known who its neighbors are and kept its hedges well balanced. But now it is contemplating the possibility of normalized relations with Syria, a nation still grappling with the violent aftermath of regime change.

The sectarian violence that erupted this weekend in Syria, a country made up of various ethnic and religious groups, serves as a timely reminder of who this neighbor that we seek peace with is.

At least 30 people were killed, and another 100 people were wounded in armed clashes in Syria’s predominantly Druze city of Suwayda. The violence, which began after a wave of kidnappings, including the abduction of a Druze merchant on the Damascus-Suwayda highway, quickly escalated into broader confrontations between Bedouin tribal fighters and Druze militias.

This latest episode of factional bloodshed underscores the fragility of Syria's post-Bashar al-Assad transition. While the 14-year civil war officially ended in December with Assad’s flight to Russia, fears among minority groups have surged since Islamist-led rebels installed their own government and security forces. These concerns intensified following the killing of hundreds of Alawites in March in apparent retaliation for an earlier attack by Assad loyalists.

For Israel, Syria’s internal chaos presents both an opportunity and a dilemma. Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar articulated this delicate balance a few weeks ago. Israel has “an interest in adding countries such as Syria and Lebanon, our neighbors, to the circle of peace and normalization, while safeguarding Israel’s essential and security interests,” he said. Crucially, Sa’ar emphasized that “the Golan will remain part of the State of Israel.”

IDF operates in the buffer zone between Israel and Syria on December 13, 2024.
IDF operates in the buffer zone between Israel and Syria on December 13, 2024. (credit: IDF SPOKESPERSON'S UNIT)

The timing appears propitious for diplomatic engagement. Syrian political activist Shadi Martini, who recently met with Syria’s new president, Ahmed al-Sharaa, before addressing the Knesset, described the encounter as “very enlightening.”

Speaking to Israeli lawmakers at the Knesset last week, Martini characterized the moment as an “unprecedented opportunity for peace” and a “once-in-a-century opportunity.”

According to Martini, Syria’s post-Assad leadership appears genuinely committed to a new direction. “The Syrian leadership is very focused on rebuilding the country and establishing long-term peace in the region,” he told Israeli media.

Arab media reports also suggested that Damascus may not be demanding Israel’s withdrawal from the Golan Heights captured in 1967, signaling potential flexibility on this historically contentious issue. Instead, Syria reportedly seeks Israeli recognition of the new regime, withdrawal from areas Israel has controlled since January, and clearly defined security arrangements in southern Syria and the border triangle between Jordan, Syria, and Israel.

These diplomatic overtures may soon move from speculation to reality. Reports indicate that Syrian and Israeli officials are expected to meet in Baku this weekend on the sidelines of Sharaa’s visit to Azerbaijan. While Sharaa himself will not attend, the meeting will focus on “the recent Israeli military presence in Syria” since Assad’s overthrow.

However, Syria’s internal instability threatens to derail these promising developments. Jerusalem needs to remember that it was only months ago that Sharaa himself went by a different name and identity. He may stand among world leaders nowadays, shaking hands with US President Donald Trump and French President Emmanuel Macron, but it was not that long ago that Sharaa was a member of al-Qaeda.

Israel's wariness of normalization with its neighbor

If Damascus truly seeks peace with Israel, it must first demonstrate its capacity to govern effectively and maintain order within its borders. The sectarian violence in Suwayda is precisely the kind of chaos that makes Israel deeply wary of normalization.

Jerusalem’s interest in peace with Damascus is clear, especially as Iran’s regional influence wanes following recent conflicts. Yet Israel cannot afford to normalize relations with a state that cannot control factional militias or prevent cycles of retaliatory violence. A peaceful neighbor requires more than diplomatic statements; it demands functional governance and the rule of law.

The opportunity for Israeli-Syrian peace exists in the current climate of the Middle East, but Syria must seize it responsibly. This means ending sectarian violence, establishing effective governance, and proving that the new Syria can be the calm, stable neighbor that Franklin’s wisdom suggests every nation needs.